LINCOLN  ROOM 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Taken  early  in  1857  by  Alex.  Hesler,  of  Chicago.    By  permission  and  courtesy  of 
the  S.  S.  McClure  Company. 


TRANSACTIONS 


OF 


Tf>e 
Historical  Society 


BLOOMINGTON,  ILLINOIS. 


Meeting  of  May  29, 1900 
Commemorative  of  the 


Convention  of  May  29, 1556 

That  Organized  the  Republican 
Party  in  the  State  of  Illinois 


EDITED    BY    EZRA    M.    PRINCE 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


VOL.    III. 


Pantagraph  Printing  and  Stationery  Co. 

Bloomington,  Illinois. 

1900. 


COMMITTEE  ON  PUBLICATION. 
JOHN  H.  BUBNHAM.  GEORGE  P.  DAVIS.  EZRA  M.  PRINCE. 


Copyrighted  1900. 


c  y 


PREFACE. 


-//Ati  BRAHAM  LINCOLN  has  become  the  civic  ideal  of 
IOI 

his  native  land,  and  is  fast  becoming  the  ideal  of  the 


self-governing',  the  democracy  of  all  lands,  the  in- 
carnation in  the  political  world  of  the  highest  ideals 
of  our  common  Christianity.  The  most  momentous  event 
in  his  life  was  the  convention  at  Major's  hall,  Blooming-ton, 
111.,  May  29,  1856.  There  he  formally,  definitely  broke  with 
the  old  order  of  things,  and  became  the  master  spirit  in  a 
new  organization  which  was  destined  not  only  to  destroy 
slavery  and  remove  that  great  obstacle  to  our  national 
progress,  but,  in  other  respects,  to  make  a  most  profound 
and  lasting  impress  upon  our  state  and  national  life. 

The  McLean  County  Historical  Society  is  composed  of 
members  of  different  political  parties  who  naturally  differ 
as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  policies  of  the  Republican  party, 
but  their  importance  is  questioned  by  no  one.  It  is,  there- 
fore, a  proper  subject  for  historical  research,  and  it  is  emi- 
nently fit  that  the  historical  society  of  the  county  where 
that  convention  was  held,  where  its  master  spirit  was  so 
well  known  and  so  loved,  and  whose  citizens  were  so  potent 
a  factor  in  his  nomination  for  the  presidency,  should  com- 
memorate an  event  of  such  supreme  public  importance. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  inspirer,  the  soul  of  this  conven- 
tion. On  that  occasion  he  delivered  the  great  speech  of 
his  life,  not  only  rising  to  the  loftiest  heights  of  impas- 
sioned eloquence,  but  with  the  prophetic  insight  of  the  seer 


forecasting"  the  great  struggle  with  the  slave  power,  and 
predicting"  the  ultimate  triumph  of  freedom. 

In  the  interests  of  historical  research  and  truth,  this 
meeting  was  called,  and  this  book,  its  proceeding's,  is  pub- 
lished. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  program  of  the  meeting  the 
speakers,  as  far  as  possible,  were  selected  from  the  mem- 
bers of  the  convention,  and  on  account  of  their  identifica- 
tion with  and  special  knowledge  of  the  subject  treated  by 
them. 

The  society  is  indebted  to  the  S.  S.  McClure  Company 
and  to  the  Century  Company  for  the  permission  to  use 
several  pictures  of  the  participants  in  the  convention,  to 
the  New  York  Evening  Post  for  copy  of  letter  of  John  H. 
Bryant,  to  the  Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society 
for  copy  of  telegrams,  to  the  Chicago  Historical  Society 
for  the  use  of  their  newspaper  files;  also  to  Mr.  D wight  E. 
Frink  for  a  drawing  of  Major's  hall,- and  to  the  committee 
of  arrangements  for  the  means  with  which  to  publish  this 

book. 

E.  M.  PRINCE,  Secretary. 

GEORGE  PERRIN  DAVIS, 
JOHN  HOWARD  BURNHAM, 
EZRA  MORTON  PRINCE, 

Committee  on  Publication. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Introductory  Note,  E.  M.  Prince, H 

Introductory  Address,  George  P.  Davis, 25 

Address  of  Welcome.  Joseph  W.  Fifer, 26 

Editorial  Convention,  February  22,  1856,  Paul  Selby,       ...  30 

Republican  State  Convention,  October,  1854,  Paul  Selby,      .        .  43 

The  Germans  and  German  Press,  William  Vocke,            ...  48 

Lovejoy,  the  Abolitionists,  and  Republican  Party,  Benj.  F.  Shaw,  59 

Address,  James  M.  Ruggles, 74 

Lincoln  and  the  Campaign  of  1856,  Thomas  J.  Henderson,     .        .  78 

Lincoln  and  the  Anti-Know-Nothing  Resolutions,  Geo.  Schneider,  87 

Address,  J.  O.  Cunningham,          .         . 91 

Abraham  Lincoln,  John  G.  Nicolay,            95 

The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders,  I.  L.  Morrison,        ....  102 

General  Address,  John  M.  Palmer. 113 

Biographical  Sketch  of  Governor  Bissell,  Frank  M.Elliot,  .        .  124 

Official  Account  of  Convention, 148 

Telegrams, 165 

Unofficial  Account  of  Convention, 166 

The  "Lost  Speech,"     ....                180 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Lincoln,  Frontispiece 

Committee  on  Publication, 4 

Major's  Hall,  1856, 11 

John  M.  Palmer, 13,  115 

Eighth  Judicial  Circuit  Illinois,  Map, 17 

David  Davis,             19 

Jesse  W.  Fell, 21 

Leonard  Swett, 23 

Joseph  W.  Fifer, 27 

Paul  Selby, 31 

William  Vocke 49 

Benjamin  F.  Shaw, 61 

Isaac  Funk, ; t55 

Group  of  Delegates, 75 

O.  M.  Hatch,            77 

Thomas  J.  Henderson, 79 

George  Schneider, 89 

John  G.  Nicolay. 97 

Isaac  L.  Morrison, 103 

William  H.  Bissell, 125 

Richard  Yates, 154 

James  Miller, 157 

Richard  J.  Oglesby, 167 

Frederick  Hecker, 169 

Pike  House, 171 

O.  H.  Browning. 173 

Owen  Lovejoy,         .        .         .         .         .        .         .        .         .         .  175 


Bloomington,  111.,  Newspaper  Accounts  of  Meeting  of  May  29,  1900. 


HISTORICAL      SOCIETY      CELEBRATES      ANNIVERSARY     OF      FIRST 
REPUBLICAN    STATE    CONVENTION. 

Back  through  the  changing  years,  delving  in  the  records 
of  many  decades,  the  McLean  County  Historical  Society  has 
secured  data  of  one  of  the  most  interesting  events  in  the  early 
political  history  of  Illinois.  After  months  of  research  and 
tireless  endeavor,  the  results  are  seen  in  an  anniversary  cele- 
bration today  of  the  first  state  convention  of  the  Republican 
party  in  Illinois.  Out  of  the  agitation  against  slavery  the 
Republican  party  was  born,  gathering  to  its  ranks  men  from 
all  parties  who  were  moved  by  the  single  impulse,  the  freedom 
of  the  black  man. 

It  is  the  story  of  the  events  that  led  up  to  the  first  conven- 
tion of  the  new  party  in  Illinois  and  a  recital  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  that  famous  gathering  held  in  May,  1856,  in  Major's 
hall  of  this  city.  Then  it  was  that  the  famous  "Lost  Speech" 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  delivered,  the  speech  which  was  so 
enthralling  in  its  eloquence  that  the  reporters  sat  with  pencils 
in  hand,  forgetful  of  their  duties,  and  failing  to  take  notes. 

But  the  speakers  of  the  celebration  can  best  tell  the  story 
of  that  gathering.  They  met  this  afternoon  in  the  Unitarian 
church  a  little  band  of  gray  headed  men,  and  an  audience  that 
filled  every  seat,  listened  with  the  most  intense  interest  to  their 
story  of  the  days  before  the  war.  Passion  ran  high  in  those 
days,  and  friends  became  enemies  in  arguing  the  momentous 
question  of  slavery.  Parties  crumbled  to  dust  in  the  mighty 
crucible  of  public  opinion.  Neighbors  became  antagonized 
and  many  were  martyred  on  the  anti-slavery  cross.  The  feel- 
ing grew  hotter  until  cooled  by  the  blood  of  the  thousands  in 


10  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

the  great  Civil  War  that  followed.  Every  speaker  told  a  tale 
of  thrilling  interest  and  the  student  of  early  politics  found  a 
mine  rich  in  information.  The  pages  of  history  could  not  be 
made  more  attractive. — Bulletin  (Bloomington,  111.),  May  29, 
1900. 

FOUNDING    OF    A    PARTY. 


The  Major  Hall  Convention— The  Birth  of  the  Republican  Organization  in  This 
City  is  Commemorated  in  a  Fitting  Manner— Social  Reunion  of  Dele- 
gates—Associates of  Abraham  Lincoln  Review  the  Work  of 
a  Political  Gathering  Held  Forty-Four  Years  Ago. 

Forty-four  years  ago  yesterday  was  held  in  Blooming- 
ton  a  convention  that  is  not  only  historic,  but  which  helped 
to  make  the  United  States  what  it  is  today.  At  that  time  was 
born  the  great  Republican  party  in  Illinois,  the  party  that  has 
given  a  Lincoln,  a  Grant,  a  Logan,  and  a  hundred  other  great 
names  to  historvand  to  theworld;  a  party  which  has  caused  the 
curse  of  slavery  to  be  wiped  off  the  face  of  our  country  and 
which  has  scored  its  triumphs  on  every  page  of  history  for 
nearly  half  a  century. 

It  was  in  commemoration  of  this  event  that  the  Mc- 
Lean County  Historical  Society  decided  to  hold  a  special  meet- 
ing. Preparations  have  been  going  on  for  the  past  month 
and  the  result  was  yesterday  made  public  at  a  meeting  at  the 
Unitarian  church,  which  was  attended  by  many  of  the  dele- 
gates to  this  old  time  convention.  The  attendance  was  quite 
large,  the  majority  being  gray  haired  men  and  women,  as  was 
natural  considering  that  the  event  to  be  celebrated  took  place 
forty-four  years  ago. 

The  building  was  well  filled  with  people  from  abroad, 
with  Bloomingtonians  and  with  those  from  the  more  immedi- 
ate vicinity.  Outside  the  rain  fell,  the  lightning  flashed  and 
the  thunder's  reverberations  were  often  heard,  but  inside  the 
church  the  people  sat  with  bated  breath  and  noiseless  atten- 
tion, while  they  listened  to  the  aged  speakers  as  they  told  of  the 
trials  and  trouble  of  the  beginning  of  the  Republican  party. — 
Pantograph  (Bloomington,  111.),  May  30,  1900. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


11 


12  A nti- Nebraska  Republican 

SOCIAL  REUNION. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  feature  of  the  day  was  the 
reunion  held  this  morning  in  the  lobby  of  the  Windsor  hotel. 
Here  the  convention  of  1856  was  conducted  again.  Gen.  John 
M.  Palmer  who  was  the  chairman  of  that  body  sat  chatting 
with  George  Schneider,  Paul  Selby,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw,  Gen. 
Jas.  M.  Ruggles,  Col.  William  Vocke,  Gen.  Thomas  J.  Hender- 
son, David  McWilliams,  and  other  gray  beards  who  are  sur- 
vivors of  the  convention  of  forty-four  years  ago  today.  In 
that  group  were  several  who  occupied  chairs  just  across  the 
street  in  front  of  the  old  Pike  House,  now  the  Phoenix  hotel, 
May  29,  1856,  and  discussed  the  business  of  the  Major's  hall 
convention.  Little  did  they  imagine  what  momentous  conse- 
quences were  to  result  from  the  proceedings  of  Major's  hall. 
Lincoln,  Oglesby,  Wentworth,  Yates  and  others  who  were 
there  have  gone,  but  hallowed  in  grateful  and  tender  remem- 
brance, their  memory  lives  on  till  time  shall  be  no  more. 

Reverently  the  name  of  the  martyred  president  was  re- 
called today.  Incidents  of  his  presence  were  told  on  every 
hand.  A  treasured  relic  brought  from  Chicago  by  MT.  Geo. 
Schneider  was  the  picture  of  Lincoln  taken  in  a  Chicago  res- 
taurant in  1854.  He  was  taking  dinner  with  Mr.  Schneider 
and  while  he  was  reading  a  copy  of  the  Chicago  Democrat,  a 
photographer  stepped  in  and  asked  permission  to  take  Lincoln's 
picture  and  he  consented.  A  copy  of  the  photo  was  retained 
by  Mr.  Schneider  and  was  viewed  with  deepest  interest  today. 

Another  interesting  relic  was  a  picture  of  the  Union  de- 
fense committee  organized  in  Chicago  just  before  the  war  to 
equip  Illinois  regiments  for  the  field.  This  picture  shows 
each  member  of  the  committee  and  was  presented  to  the  His- 
torical Society  by  Mr.  Schneider.  There  are  but  three  mem- 
bers of  the  original  committee  surviving.  Mr.  Schneider, 
Thomas  B.  Bryan  and  A.  H.  Burley,  all  of  Chicago. 

It  developed  by  comparing  notes  that  the  delegates 
selected  by  the  Bloomington  convention  of  1856  to  the  national 
convention  of  Philadelphia,  but  two  are  living — General 
Palmer  and  George  Schneider.  Both  were  here  todav  and  the 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  13 

latter  had  in  his  possession  the  original  ticket  of  admission. 
He  also  had  the  ticket  of  admission  to  the  national  convention 
of  1860.  These  relics  were  also  viewed  with  great  attention 
and  appealed  strongly  to  the  group  of  old  gentlemen. 

Of  the  group  of  Anti-Nebraska  editors  who  met  in  con- 
vention in  Decatur  in  February,  1856,  to  issue  the  call  for  the 
convention  which  met  in  Bloomington,  the  three  survivors, 
Paul  Selby  and  George  Schneider,  of  Chicago  and  Benjamin  F. 
Shaw,  of  Dixon,  were  here  today.  Selby  at  that  time  repre- 
sented trie  Jacksonville  Journal,  Schneider  the  Chicago  Staats- 
Zeitung  and  Shaw  the  Dixon  Telegraph,  with  which  he  is  still 
connected. 


GENERAL  JOHN  M.  PALMER 
From  army  photograph  taken  in  1863.  By 
permission  and  courtesy  of  the  S.  S.  McClure 
Co. 


The  oldest  man  in  attendance  at  the  anniversary  is  Gen- 
eral Palmer.  He  is  82.  He  has  been  in  poor  health  of  late 
and  his  paper  will  be  read  bv  another.*  He  came  very  near 
dying  during  the  winter  and  looks  far  from  well.  His  eyes 
lit  up  with  the  old  fire,  however,  as  he  recalled  the  old  days 
and  there  was  enthusiasm  in  his  voice  as  he  told  incidents  of 
Lincoln  and  the  great  men  of  the  early  days. — Bulletin,  May 

29,  1900. 

\ 

*The  paper  was,  however,  read  by  Gen.  Palmer. 


14  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 


Introductory, 
BY  EZRA  M.  PRINCE, 

Secretary  of  the  McLean  County  Historical  Society. 

To  make  plain  to  those  who  did  not  take  part  in  the  great 
anti-slavery  contest  this  introductory  note  may  not  be  in- 
appropriate. 

THE  RISE  OF  THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION. 

March  16,  1818,  there  was  presented  to  the  house  of  rep- 
resentatives a  petition  from  Missouri  for  permission  to  form  a 
state  constitution.  February  13,  1819,  when  the  question 
came  up  before  the  house,  an  amendment  was  offered  to  the 
enabling  act  prohibiting  the  further  introduction  of  slavery 
and  providing  that  all  children  of  slaves,  born  within  the  state 
after  its  admission  should  be  free  but  might  be  held  to  service 
until  the  age  of  25  years.  March  6,  1820,  a  compromise  hav- 
ing been  affected  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Clay,  the  en- 
abling act  was  passed  without  the  anti-slavery  restriction,  but 
with  the  following  amendment :  "That  in  all  the  territory 
ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States  under  the  name  of  Louis- 
iana which  lies  north  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes,  north  lati- 
tude, excepting  only  such  part  thereof  as  is  included  within  the 
limits  of  the  state  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  in- 
voluntary servitude  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crime 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted  shall  be  and 
is  hereby  forever  prohibited."  This  was  known  as  the  "Mis- 
souri compromise."  The  principle  of  this  compromise,  the 
supreme  control  of  congress  over  the  territory  even  in  the 
regulation  or  abolition  of  slavery  remained  unquestioned  for 
nearly  thirty  years  and  in  popular  estimation  was  held  little 
less  sacred  than  the  constitution  itself. 

June  3,  1849,  California  formed  a  state  constitution  ex- 
pressly prohibiting  slavery  but  the  senate  of  the  United  States 
refused  to  concur  in  the  house  bill  providing  for  its  admis- 
sion into  the  Union.  Mr.  Clay  again  came  forward  with  a 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  15 

compromise,  which  in  August  and  September,  1850,  was 
finally  effected  as  follows : 

First;  the  admission  of  California  with  its  constitution 
prohibiting  slavery. 

Second;  organizing  the  territories  of  New  Mexico  and 
Utah,  without  any  anti-slavery  restriction. 

Third;  a  very  drastic  fugitive  slave  law. 

Fourth;  abolishing  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

Fifth;  the  payment  to  Texas,  of  a  large  indemnity  for 
the  relinquishment  of  her  claims  to  New  Mexico. 

In  1853  a  bill  was  introduced  in  congress  to  organize  the 
territory  of  Nebraska.  January  16,  1854,  Senator  Dixon,  of 
Kentucky,  having  given  notice  of  an  amendment  abolishing 
the  Missouri  compromise  in  the  case  of  Nebraska,  the  bill  was 
recommitted  to  the  committee  on  territories  and  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  senator  from  Illinois,  immediately  reported  a  bill  di- 
viding the  territory  into  two  territories,  the  southern,  adjoining 
Missouri  on  the  west,  called  Kansas  and  the  northern,  adjoining 
Iowa  on  the  west,  called  Nebraska  and  repealing  the  Missouri 
compromise  in  regard  to  slavery.  This  precipitated  the  in- 
evitable conflict  between  slavery  and  freedom.  It  practically 
destroyed  the  Whig  party.  The  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the 
north  had  grown  gradually  and  the  conviction  had  became 
general  that  there  could  be  no  lasting  compromise  with 
slavery.  In  the  south  the  more  aggressive  and  radical  pro- 
slavery  leaders  gained  control  of  the  Democratic  party  and 
through  it  the  complete  domination  of  the  south.  In  the  north 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  caused  great  excite- 
ment. In  1854  when  Senator  Douglas  returned  to  Chicago 
and  attempted  to  justify  his  acts  the  people  refused  to  hear 
him  but  for  four  hours  yelled  and  hissed  him  until  he  retired 
from  the  meeting.  In  the  condition  of  affairs  here  briefly 
outlined  the  Major's  Hall  convention  met. 

The  Major's  Hall  convention  was  substantially  the  first 
state  convention  in  Illinois  in  opposition  to  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise.  In  1854  an  attempt  was  made  by  the 


16  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

more  advanced  anti-slavery  men  of  the  state  to  organize  a  new 
party  to  resist  the  encroachment  of  the  slave  power.  "Sep- 
tember 9,  1854,  a  Republican  county  convention  of  the  voters 
of  McLean  county  was  held  at  Bloomington  to  appoint  dele- 
gates to  a  state  convention  to  be  held  at  Springfield  at  which 
the  following  were  elected  delegates  to  the  state  convention : 
Dr.  R.  O.  Warinner,  Dr.  J.  R.  Freeze,  Oliver  Graves,  A.  B. 
Jves,  N.  N.  Jones  and  W.  F.  M.  Arny." 

"The  state  convention  to  which  these  delegates  were  ap- 
pointed, met  at  Springfield  October  5,  1854.  It  was  attended 
by  only  twenty-six  delegates  who  were  mostly  abolitionists, 
Owen  Love  joy,  Ichabod  Codding  and  Erastus  Wright  having 
been  the  moving  spirits.  On  the  5th  of  October  it  nominated 
John  E.  McClun,  of  McLean  county,  as  candidate  for  state 
treasurer.  In  a  short  time  the  name  of  James  Miller,  of  Bloom- 
ington, was  substituted  for  that  of  Judge  McClun."  Burnham's 
History  of  Bloomington  and  Normal,  p.  no. 

The  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  a  thorough  organization 
of  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  state.  In  1855  there  was 
no  state  election  in  Illinois  and  of  course  no  organization  of 
the  state.  It  was  left  for  the  Major's  Hall  convention  to  do 
that  work. 

THE  EIGHTH  JUDICIAL  CIRCUIT  OF  ILLINOIS  CIRCUIT. 

This  circuit,  organized  in  1847,  consisted  of  fourteen  coun- 
ties in  the  east  half  of  the  central  portion  of  the  state,  Sanga- 
mon,  Tazewell,  Woodforcl,  McLean,  Logan,  DeWitt,  Piatt, 
Champaign,  Vermilion,  Edgar,  Shelby,  Moultrie,  Macon,  and 
Christian.  Session  laws  1847,  p.  31  The  above  is  the  eighth 
circuit  as  known  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends.  In  1853  the  circuit 
was  reduced  to  Sangamon,  Logan,  McLean,  Woodford,  Taze- 
well, DeWitt,  Champaign,  and  Vermilion.  Session  laws  1853, 
p.  63,  and  in  1857  it  was  still  further  reduced  to  DeWitt, 
Logan,  McLean,  Champaign,  and  Vermilion.  Session  laws 
1857,  p.  12.  In  this  central  belt  of  the  state  the  waves  of 
emigration  from  the  north  and  south  met  and  mingled.  It  was 
the  debatable  ground  between  the  friends  of  freedom  and  those 
who  were  the  friends  of  slavery  or  indifferent  to  its  aggres- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


17 


sions.  The  northern  part  of  the  state  was  overwhelmingly 
anti-slavery,  the  southern  as  bitterly  opposed  to  them.  Which 
ever  party  won  the  center  won  the  fight. 


From  its  earliest  history  the  bar  of  this  circuit  was  ex- 
ceptionally strong,  in  its  earlier  days  including  Edwin  D. 
Baker,  afterwards  senator  from  Oregon,  James  A.  McDougal, 
senator  from  California,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  senator  from 
Illinois,  General  Asahel  Gridley  of  Bloomington,  and 
Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan  of  Springfield,  whom  Judge  David 
Davis  after  a  service  of  ten  years  as  circuit  judge,  fifteen  years 


18  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

justice  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  and  six  years 
as  United  States  senator  pronounced  the  ablest  lawyer  he  had 
ever  met.  Many  able  lawyers  from  outside  the  circuit  attended 
the  courts,  including  Norman  H.  Purple  of  Peoria,  formerly 
judge  of  the  supreme  court,  T.  L.  Dickey  of  Ottawa,  afterwards 
judge  of  the  supreme  court,  Voorhees,  afterwards  senator  from 
Indiana,  and  Usher,  afterwards  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  trom 
Indiana.  In  every  county  were  able,  energetic  young  lawyers 
who  had  "gone  west"  to  make  their  fortunes,  such  men  as  Adlai 
E.  Stevenson,  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  Judges  Lawrence  Wei- 
don,  Anthony  Thornton,  Oliver  L.  Davis  and  John  M.  Scott. 
In  each  county  of  this  large  circuit  two  terms  of  court  were 
held  each  year  which  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  other  leading  lawyers 
of  the  circuit,  Baker,  McDougal,  John  T.  Stuart,  Logan, 
Leonard  Swett  and  others  regularly  attended.  Lincoln  spent 
substantially  half  of  each  year  on  the  circuit. 

After  Sangamon,  Mr.  Lincoln's  home  county,  was  attach- 
ed to  a  new  circuit,  he  continued  to  attend  the  eighth  circuit 
up  to  the  time  of  his  nomination.  He  attended  the  spring 
term,  1860,  of  the  McLean  circuit  only  a  few  weeks  before  his 
nomination. 

The  relations  between  the  court,  lawyers,  jurors  and  sena- 
tors of  the  eighth  circuit  was  peculiar,  one  that  has  long  since 
passed  away.  The  court  was  rather  a  big  family  consultation 
presided  over  by  the  judge  than  a  modern  court.  Judge  Davis 
personally  knew  a  large  portion  of  the  people  in  the  circuit. 
The  jurors  were  then  selected  by  the  sheriff.  In  McLean  and 
probably  in  the  other  counties,  substantially  the  same  jurors  ap- 
peared from  term  to  term,  personal  friends  of  Judge  Davis, 
men  of  intelligence,  sound  judgment  and  integrity  whose  ver- 
dicts rarely  had  to  be  set  aside.  Court  week  was  a  holiday 
for  the  people  of  the  county,  political  years  there  was  always 
speaking  at  the  court  house,  the  parties  using  it  on  alternate 
nights.  The  people  attended  court  to  get  the  news,  hear  the 
speeches,  listen  to  the  exciting  trials  and  do  their  trading. 
The  lawyers  and  many  of  the  jurors,  witnesses  and  suitors 
stopped  at  the  same  tavern.  There  was  a  singular  comrad- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


19 


DAVID  DAVIS,  Bloomington,  111. 

Born  in  Maryland,  March  9,  1815;  died  June  26.  1886,  jurist,  U.  S.  Senator.    See 
Volume  I,  Transactions  McLean  County  Historical  Society  320. 
By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the  Century  Co. 


20  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

ship  of  these  attendants  upon  the  court.  \Yithout  the  court  at 
all  losing  its  dignity,  there  was  a  freedom  and  familiarity  as  of 
old  friends  and  acquaintances  meeting  upon  a  public  occasion 
rather  than  the  formality  and  dignity  associated  with  the  idea 
of  a  modern  court.  Often  the  judge's  room,  which  sometimes 
was  the  only  decent  one  in  the  tavern,  was  used  evenings  by  the 
lawyers  in  their  consultations  without  regard  to  the  presence 
of  the  judge. 

In  several,  perhaps  all  these  counties,  young  lawyers  who 
desired  to  avail  themselves  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  popularity  and 
who  perhaps  distrusted  their  own  ability  to  prepare  and  try 
cases  in  the  circuit  court,  arranged  with  Mr.  Lincoln  to  allow 
them  to  advertise  him  as  their  partner.  So  there  was  Lincoln 
&  Jones  in  this  county  and  Lincoln  &  Smith  in  that ;  but  the 
partnership  was  limited  simply  to  Lincoln  trying  Smith  & 
Jones  cases,  if  they  had  any,  and  dividing  fees  with  them,  only 
this  and  nothing  more.  The  only  law  partners,  in  the  proper 
acceptance  of  that  term,  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  had,  were  his  Spring, 
field  partners,  Col.  John  T.  Stuart  early  in  his  legal  career,  and 
later  William  H.  Herndon.  Stuart  was  a  very  accomplished 
gentleman  and  lawyer,  the  chancery  lawyer  of  the  circuit, 
whose  courts  he  always  attended.  Mr.  Herndon  never  travel- 
ed the  circuit. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  always  a  great  favorite  with  the  court, 
lawyers  and  all  attendants  upon  the  court.  The  young  and 
inexperienced  lawyers  received  from  him  wise  and  timely  ad- 
vice and  aid  in  their  cases.  The  trial  of  cases  was  conducted 
almost  entirely  by  these  leaders  of  the  cirrMit,  Mr.  Lincoln 
being  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  nearly  every  case  tried.  /\ 
crowd  always  gathered  around  him  whether  in  court  or  else- 
where, expecting  the  never  failing  "story."  The  evenings 
were  a  contest  of  wits,  for  the  pioneer  lawyer  always  had  a 
good  story  ready.  These  customs  of  the  circuit  made  its 
leaders  warm  friends. 

Around  the  eighth  circuit  grew  up  the  influences  that 
made  Abraham  Lincoln  president  of  the  United  States. 

At  Bloomington  were  three  men  destined  to  exert  a  wide 
influence  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  career.  Jesse  W.  Fell,  Leonard 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


JESSE  W.  FELL,  Normal,  111. 

Born  in  Pennsylvania  1808;  died  February  25,  1887.    See  Volume  I,  Transactions 
McLean  County  Historical  Society,  338. 


22  Ant  i- Nebraska  Republican 

Swett  and  David  Davis,  all  Whigs  by  previous  party  affiliation. 
Mr.  Fell  first  seriously  proposed  Mr.  Lincoln  for  president. 
Born  in  Chester  county,  Pennsylvania,  of  Quaker  parentage, 
anti-slavery  to  the  core,  coming  to  McLean  county  in  1832, 
a  young  lawyer,  he  early  abandoned  the  law  and  engaged  in 
dealing  in  lands,  entering  160  acres  in  Chicago  and  320  in  Mil- 
waukee, one  of  the  founders  of  the  first  newspaper  and  of  the 
first  public  library  in  Bloomington,  a  horticulturist  and  arbor- 
culturist,  planting  13,000  trees  in  Normal  alone  before  a  house 
was  built  there,  an  unrivaled  politician,  but  always  refusing 
office  for  himself.  A  lover  of  his  fellow  men,  with  a  certain 
disinterestedness  that  always  made  him  friends  and  withal  pos- 
sessing a  remarkable  organizing  capacity.  By  his  skill  and 
unrivaled  management  he  procured  the  location  of  the  Normal 
University  and  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Home  at  Normal.  An 
idealist,  yet  a  man  of  the  greatest  practical  common  sense.  He 
and  Lincoln  were  kindred  spirits.  He  was  secretary  of  the 
state  Republican  committee  in  1858  during  the  memorable 
campaign  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas.  In  1856  when  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  obliged  to  decline  the  appointment  of  Illinois 
member  of  the  Kansas  national  committee  he  recommended 
Mr.  Fell  to  fill  his  place.  He  early  conceived  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
as  the  proper  candidate-  f or  the  presidency  in  1860  and  entered 
upon  the  accomplishment  of  that  design  with  his  usual  energy 
and  persistence.  To  him  Mr.  Lincoln  addressed  in  December. 
1859,  his  brief  autobiography.  By  personal  address,  by  corres- 
pondence and  though  the  press  at  home  and  in  other  states  he 
was  unceasing  in  his  advocacy  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Leonard 
Swett,  a  native  of  the  state  of  Maine,  was  the  advocate  of  the 
west,  tall,  swarthy,  handsome,  with  the  most  melodious  voice 
man  ever  possessed.  Mr.  Fell  by  reason  of  his  intelligence, 
earnestness,  persistence  and  disinterestedness  was  singularly 
persuasive.  Mr.  Swett  by  the  clearness  of  his  mental  concep- 
tions, the  melody  of  his  voice,  his  geniality  and  eloquence 
was  equally  influential.  Last  but  not  least  was  David  Davis, 
judge  of  the  circuit  court,  a  large  and  portly  man  of  singular 
physical  and  mental  quickness  and  energy,  a  native  of  Mary- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


23 


Jand  and  by  temperament  and  education  a  conservative,  he  was 
profoundly  attached  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  resisted  all  attempts 
to  detach  him  from  the  political  fortunes  of  his  friend.  As 
soon  as  he  saw  there  was  a  possibility  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomi- 
nation he  threw  himself  into  the  movement  with  the  whole 
force  and  weight  of  a  strong  personality.  Each  of  these  three 
men  read  their  fellow  men  as  they  would  read  a  book,  instinc- 
tively perceiving  their  character,  the  motives  and  influences  that 
would  affect  them.  In  the  Chicago  convention  that  nominated 


LEONARD  SWETT 

Born  at  Turner, Maine  in  1825.  studied  law, 
came  west,  served  in  Mexican  War,  Whig 
elector  1848,  settled  in  Bloomington  1849  and 
became  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  the 
northwest,  traveled  the  circuit  with  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  was  one  of  his  most  trusted  ad- 
visers during  the  Civil  War.  Died  at  Chica- 
go, Illinois,  June  8, 1889. 

By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the  S.  S. 
McClure  Co. 


Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860  their  influence  was  most  potent.  Judge 
Davis  by  common  consent  took  charge  of  the  Lincoln  forces. 
Davis,  Fell  and  Swett  were  incessant  in  their  labors,  addressing 
delegations,  laboring  with  individual  delegates  and  caucusing 
and  directing  the  contest  and  with  the  aid  of  Palmer,  Yates 
and  other  earnest  friends,  won  the  victory. 

The  bar  of  the  eighth  circuit  were  hardworking  men  of  the 
highest  integrity,  character  and  ability.  Their  influence  upon 
Mr.  Lincoln's  career  has  never  been  properly  recognized.  We 
hope  some  one  may  write  a  paper  fully  treating  of  this  subject. 

E.  M.  PRINCE 


24  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

MEETING 

OF  THE 

MCLEAN  COUNTY  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

UNITARIAN  CHURCH 

BLOOMINGTON,    ILL  . ,    MAY    29,    1900 

COMMEMORATIVE    OF   THE    CONVENTION 

HELD    AT 

MAJOR'S  HALL,  BLOOMINGTON,  ILL.,  MAY  29,  1856 

THAT  ORGANIZED 
THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  Itf  ILLINOIS 


PRESIDING: 
GEORGE  PERRIN  DAVIS,  President  of  the  Historical  Society. 

SECRETARY: 
EZRA  M.  PRINCE,  Secretary  of  the  Historical  Society. 

HONORARY    VICE-PRESIDENTS: 

E.  W.  BLAISDELL.  GEORGE  SCHNEIDER. 

JOHN  H.  BRYANT.  GEORGE  W.  STIPP,  Jr. 

DR.  ROBERT  BOAL.  NATHANIEL  NILES. 

DR.  WILLIAM  JAYNE.  JOHN  W.  WAUGHOP. 

WILLIAM  E.  IVES.  THOMAS  J.  HENDERSON. 

J.  M.  RUGGLES.  L.  H.  WALTERS. 

W.  P.  KELLOGG.  DAVID  MCWILLIAMS. 

J.  E.  WYNNE.       —Delegates  to  the  Convention  of  May  29,  1856. 


PROGRAM 

9:00  A.  M.  WINDSOR  HOTEL 

Social  Re-union  of  the  Delegates  to  the  Convention  of  May  29, 
1856,  and  their  friends. 

•  2:00  P.  M.  AT  UNITARIAN  CHURCH. 

Reading  the  call  of  the  Convention  of  May  29,  1856. 

Reading  the  roll  of  the  Convention. 

Welcome  to  the  survivors  of  the  Convention — Ex-Governor  Joseph 
W.  Fifer. 

The  Editoral  Convention  of  February  22,  1856— Paul  Selby, 
Chicago. 

The  Germans  and  German  Press — Col.  Wm.  Vocke,  Chicago. 

Abraham  Lincoln — John  G.  Nicolay,  Washington,  D.  C. 

8:00  P.  M. 

Lovejoy  the  Constitutional  Abolitionists  and  the  Republican 
Party — Benj.  F.  Shaw,  Dixon. 

The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders — I.  L.  Morrison,  Jacksonville. 
General  Address — Gen.  John  M.  Palmer,  Springfield. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  25 

COMMITTZK  OF  ARRANGEMENTS 

GEORGE  P.  DAVIS.  J.  W.  FIPER. 

D.  M.  FUNK.  DR.  J.  L.  WHITE. 

H.  H.  GREEN.  HENRY  CAPEN. 

A.  B.  HOBLIT.  O.  T.  REEVES. 

W.  O.  DAVIS.  T.  C.  KERRICK. 

SAIN  WELTY.  B.  F.  HOOPES. 

C.  P.  SOPER.  R.  M.  BENJAMIN. 

LYMAN  GRAHAM.  PETER  WHITMER. 

T.  F.  TIPTON.  HENRY  BEHR. 

GEORGE  S.  HANNA.  W.  T.  M.  MILLER. 
L.  H.  KERRICK. 

George  Perrin  Davis,  president  of  the  Historical  So- 
ciety, having"  called  the  meeting1  to  order,  said: 

The  McLean  County  Historical  Society,  knowing  from  their  own 
experience  how  fatal  delay  is  to  historical  accuracy,  felt  it  proper  to 
lay  aside  for  the  time  being  their  labors  on  local  affairs  and  bring 
together  the  surviving  members  of  the  most  momentous  convention 
ever  held  in  this  state,  hoping,  from  the  papers  read  and  remarks  of 
the  delegates,  much  of  interest  to  the  state  and  nation  might  be  res- 
cued from  the  memory  of  individuals  and  put  in  enduring  form  for  our 
descendants.  The  papers  have  all  been  prepared  by  men  familiar 
with  the  branch  of  the  subject  treated  by  them. 

The  secretary  will  read  the  call  for  the  conyention  of 
May  29,  1856,  which  was  read  as  follows: 

ANTI-NEBRASKA  STATE  CONVENTION. 

A  state  convention  of  the  Anti-Nebraska  party  of  Illinois  will  be 
held  in  the  city  of  Bloomington  on  Thursday,  the  29th  day  of  MayT 
1856,  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  candidates  for  state  officers,  appoint- 
ing delegates  to  the  national  convention  and  transacting  such  other 
business  as  may  properly  come  before  the  body.  The  committee  have 
adopted  as  the  basis  of  representation  the  ratio  of  one  delegate  to 
every  6,000  inhabitants  and  one  additional  delegate  for  every  frac- 
tional number  of  2,000  and  over  but  counties  that  have  less  than 
6,000  inhabitants  are  entitled  to  one  delegate.  W.  B.  Ogden,  S.  M. 
Church,  E.  A.  Dudley,  Thomas  J.  Pickett,  R.  J.  Oglesby,  G.  D.  A. 
Parks,  Ira  O.  Wilkinson,  W.  H.  Herndon,  Joseph  Gillespie,  State  Cen- 
tral Committee. 

The  secretary  then  read  the  roll-  of  the  delegates  to 
the  convention  of  May  29,  1856,  to  which  the  following  an- 
swered present: 

General  John  M.  Palmer,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw,  Dr.  William  Jayne, 
J.  M.  Ruggles,  George  Schneider,  Thomas  J.  Henderson  and  David 
McWilliams. 


26  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 


Address  of   Welcome, 
BY  JOSEPH  W.  FIFER. 

FELLOW  CITIZENS  :  It  is  generally  understood,  I  believe, 
that  this  celebration  is  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  McLean 
County  Historical  Society.  Through  the  courtesy  of  the  of- 
ficers of  that  association,  it  becomes  my  gracious  privilege  to 
say  a  few  words  of  welcome  upon  this  most  interesting  oc- 
casion. 

Friends,  we  are  here  to  celebrate  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant events  in  history.  Here  in  this  city  forty-four  years 
ago  today,  was  held  our  first  republican  state  convention.  It 
was  the  first  organized  opposition  within  the  limits  of  our  state 
to  the  further  spread  of  human  slavery,  and  the  cause  of 
liberty  found  here  many  of  its  ablest  advocates,  among  whom 
were  David  Davis,  Jesse  W.  Fell  and  Isaac  Funk. 

In  a  short  address  of  welcome  I  cannot  of  course,  enter 
upon  any  full  discussion  of  the  causes  which  led  to  that  con- 
vention ;  nor  will  the  proprieties  of  this  occasion  permit  me  to 
speak  at  length  of  the  historic  events  that  soon  followed. 

In  that  assembly  were  gathered  our  ablest  and  most 
conscientious  statesmen.  They  came  from  all  political  par- 
ties, and  were  united  in  the  single  purpose  to  resist  at  any  cost 
the  further  aggressions  of  slavery.  It  was  not  a  time  for  the 
success  of  busy  little  men,  and  therefore  not  a  demagogue  was 
to  be  found  in  their  midst.  They  were  men  of  noble  purpose 
and  high  courage;  men  who  believed  that  right  makes  might, 
and  consequently  were  not  afraid  to  shake  their  fists  in  the 
face  of  majorities.  • 

The  movement  here  inaugurated  under  the  leadership  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  Richard  Yates,  John  M.  Palmer,  Benjamin 

Joseph  W.  Fifer  was  born  at  Staunton,  Va.,  Oct.  28,  1840;  came  to  McLean  Co., 
111.,  1857;  enlisted  private.  Co.  C,  33d  111.  Vols.  Aug.  15.  1861:  severely  wounded  at 
Jackson,  Miss.,  July  13, 1863:  discharged  Oct.  11, 1864;  entered  Illinois  Wesleyan  Uni- 
versity and  graduated  1868;  studied  law  and  was  successively  city  attorney  of 
Bloomington,  state's  attorney  for  McLean  county,  state  senator,  and  governor  of 
Illinois,  and  is  now  member  of  interstate  commerce  commission. 


Convention  May  29,  1856. 


27 


JOSEPH  W.  FIFER. 


28  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Shaw  and  others,  was  not  destined  to  have  an  easy  or  a  bloodless 
victory.  In  its  cause  we  piled  up  a  national  debt  of  nearly 
$3,000,000,000.  In  the  bloody  conflict  that  ensued  five  hun- 
dred thousand  American  citizens  laid  down  their  lives  count- 
ing those  on  both  sides.  After  this  unparalleled  sacrifice  of  blood 
and  treasure,  the  .doctrines  here  proclaimed  finally  triumphed 
with  Grant  at  Appomattox.  The  chains  were  all  broken,  the 
auction  block  for  the  sale  of  human,  beings,  was  forever  ban- 
ished from  the  land,  and  today,  thank  God,  the  foot  of  no  slave 
presses  the  soil  of  the  continents  discovered  by  Columbus. 

No  human  sagacity  could  see  the  end  from  the  beginning. 
A  movement  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  wise  re- 
strictions against  the  spread  of  slavery,  finally,  through  the 
irresistible  logic  of  events,  resulted  in  the  total  removal  of  that 
foul  blot  from  our  national  escutcheon. 

It  is  only  just  to  say  that  this  happy  result  was  achieved, 
not  by  the  efforts  of  any  single  political  party,  for  slavery  was 
abolished  and  the  union  preserved  by  the  common  patriotism 
of  the  great  American  people;  and  men  of  all  shades  of  politi- 
cal belief  now  applaud  the  wisdom  and  courage  of  the  conven- 
tion held  here  near  a  half  century  ago.  Instead  of  sectional 
strife  and  discord,  we  now  behold  a  nation  of  .70,000,000  of 
people,  with  happy  homes,  and  with  a  trade  and  commerce  that 
covers  all  the  seas;  a  people,  too,  that  are  forever  united  in  the 
bonds  of  friendship  under  a  single  flag.  And  so  the  prophecy  of 
1 86 1  has  been  fulfilled.  ''We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained, 
it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords 
of  memory  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave 
to  every  living  heart  and  hearth-stone  all  over  this  broad  land, 
will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched, 
as  surely  they  will  be  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Possibly  most  of  the  men  who  stood  with  Lincoln  in  that 
historic  convention,  are  now  in  their  graves.  Some  are  still 
living,  and  some  we  have  with  us  here  today.  We  thank  them 
all,  both  the  living  and  the  dead  for  their  patriotism,  and  for 
their  noble  example  of  unselfish  devotion  to  the  cause  of  truth 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  29 

and  justice.  One  of  their  number  was  afterwards  elected  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  as  he  lay  upon  his  bloody  bier, 
Secretary  Stanton  could  point  to  him  and  truthfully  say  "there 
lies  the  greatest  leader  of  men  that  ever  lived."  Many  others  be- 
came distinguished,  both  in  civic  and  in  military  life,  and  ren- 
dered honorable  and  conspicuous  service  to  the  nation. 

The  distinguished  chairman  of  the  convention,  we  are 
glad  to  know,  is  present  with  us  here  today.  Of  his  patriotic 
services  to  his  country  in  the  darkest  hour  this  nation  ever 
saw,  time  will  not  allow  me  to  speak.  In  the  cause  of  liberty 
he  was  no  laggard ;  he  early  heard  the  call  of  duty  and  nobly 
risked  his  life  for  the  integrity  of  the  Union  and  the  glory  and 
honor  of  his  country.  The  memory  of  his  sacrifices  will 
remain  fresh  so  long  as  patriotism  and  courage  are  appre- 
ciated and  admired  by  a  grateful  people. 

My  friends,  the  event  you  celebrate  today  is  very  close  to 
the  hearts  of  our  people.  We  appreciate  your  presence  here, 
and  with  the  hope  that  your  meeting  may  prove  both  pleasant 
and  profitable,  I  take  great  pleasure  in  extending  to  you  on 
behalf  of  the  people  of  Bloomington  and  of  McLean  county, 
a  most  sincere  and  cordial  welcome. 


30  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 


The   Editorial   Convention,  February  22,  1856, 

Pres.  Davis: 

One  of  the  most  important  factors  in  establishing  the  Republican 
party  was  the  Anti-Nebraska  press.  The  convention  which  we  cele- 
brate was  called  by  a  meeting  of  Anti-Nebraska  editors  held  at  Deca- 
tur,  February  22,  1856,  presided  over  by  Paul  Selby,  of  the  Morgan 
Journal,  of  Jacksonville.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Anti-Nebraska 
State  Convention  held  in  October,  1854,  at  Springfield.  He  has  been 
connected  with  many  of  the  papers  of  this  state,  but  mainly  with  the 
State  Journal  of  Springfield,  for  eighteen  years. 

He  has  held  many  offices  of  trust  and  profit,  and  for  the  past  ten 
years  has  lived  in  Chicago  and  been  engaged  in  literary  and  histori- 
cal work. 

Our  next  paper  is  on  "The  Editorial  Convention  of  February  22r 
1856."  I  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  Hon.  Paul  Selby. 

PAUL  SELBY,  OP  CHICAGO, 

President  of  that  Convention. 

The  task  assigned  me  today  is  the  presentation  before 
your  society  of  the  "inside  history''  of  the  Convention  of  Anti- 
Nebraska  Editors  held  at  Decatur,  Illinois,  February  22,  1856, 
and  this  duty  I  shall  endeavor  to  discharge  with  as  much  brev- 
ity as  circumstances  will  allow.  The  theme  being  strictly  histor- 
ical, you  will  expect  no  displays  of  either  rhetoric  or  oratory, 
but  1  shall  confine  myself  to  a  narrative  of  facts,  which  I  hope 
may  prove  of  value  to  your  society  and  of  interest  to  the  in- 
vestigators of  history  generally. 

It  is  a  fact  well  known  to  all  familiar  with  the  political 
history  of  the  time,  that  the  decade  following  the  year  1846 
was  one  of  intense  political  excitement  and  constantly  increas- 
ing agitation.  Beginning  with  the  annexation  of  Texas, 

Paul  Selby.  editor,  was  born  in  Pickaway  county,  Ohio,  July  20.  1825.  In  1852  he 
became  the  editor  of  the  Morgan  Journal,  of  Jacksonville,  Illinois,  with  which  he 
remained  until  the  fall  of  1858.  covering  the  period  of  the  organization  of  the  Re- 
publican party  in  which  the  Journal  took  an  active  part.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
republican  Illinois  State  convention  of  1854,  was  chairman  of  the  Anti-Nebraska 
Editorial  convention  of  February  22,  1856.  Was  associate  editor  of  Journal  at  Spring- 
field, Illinois,  from  July  1862  to  November  1865.  Afterwards  on  the  staff  of  the 
Chicago  Journal,  also  on  the  Republican  from  May  1868,  to  January  1874.  Was  edi- 
tor of  the  Quincy  Whig  and  in  1874  became  editor  of  the  Springfield  Journal.  Was 
postmaster  at  Springfield  from  1880  to  1886.  With  Newton  Bateman  as  editor 
of  the  Historical  Encyclopedia  of  Illinois. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


31 


32  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

which  marked  an  immense  expansion  in  the  area  of  slave  ter- 
ritory, the  growth  of  this  excitement  was  temporarily  checked 
by  the  diversion  of  the  popular  mind  from  the  great  issue,  by 
the  advent  of  the  Mexican  War  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  admis- 
sion of  California  as  a  free  state  on  the  other,  with  the  virtual 
exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  territory  acquired  from  Mexico 
under  operation  of  the  compromise  measures  of  1850.  But 
even  these  were  not  sufficient  to  counterbalance  the  intense  feel- 
ing produced  by  the  harsh  features  of  the  fugitive  slave  law. 
which  constituted  a  leading  feature  of  that  celebrated  series 
of  acts — the  last  compromise  with  which  the  name  of  Henry 
Clay  was  associated.  The  hostility  to  this  act,  which  mani- 
fested itself  in  many  sections  of  the  north  in  open  resistance  to 
the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their  southern  masters,  and  sys- 
tematic efforts  made  in  certain  northern  states  to  neutralize 
the  law  and  thwart  its  enforcement  by  the  enactment  of  state 
laws,  gave  evidence  of  the  constantly  rising  tide  of  public  senti- 
ment on  this  subject  at  this  time. 

The  very  climax  of  conditions  tending  to  promote  agi- 
tation of  the  slavery  question  was  reached  in  the  approval,  by 
the  president,  on  May  30,  1854,  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  re- 
pealing the  Missouri  Compromise  and  thereby  removing  the 
restriction  against  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  territory 
north  of  the  parallel  of  36  degrees  and  30  minutes.  There 
is  a  curious  coincidence  in  the  fact  that,  while  one  Illinois  sen- 
ator (Jesse  B.  Thomas)  was  accredited  with  the  introduction, 
in  1820,  of  the  measure  which  took  the  name  of  the  "Mis- 
souri Compromise,"  as  was  then  believed  in  the  interest  of 
slavery,  another  Illinois  senator  (Stephen  A.  Douglas), 
thirty-four  years  later,  in  compliance  with  the  demands  of  the 
friends  of  slavery,  introduced,  and  pushed  to  a  successful  issue, 
the  act  which  accomplished  the  repeal  of  that  measure.  Yet 
this  was  not  accomplished  until  five  years  after  the  author  of 
the  repealing  measure  had  spoken  of  the  act  which  he  was 
about  to  destroy,  as  having  "an  origin  akin  to  that  of  the  con- 
stitution," and  as  having  become  "canonized  in  the  hearts  of 
the  American  people  as  a  sacred  thing  which  no  ruthless  hand 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  33 

would  ever  be  reckless  enough  to  disturb."  And  it  fell  to  the 
lot  of  another  Illinoisan  (Abraham  Lincoln)  not  only  to  lead 
the  forces  which  put  an  effectual  check  upon  the  further  spread 
of  slavery,  but  to  give  vitality  to  the  act  which  was  to  wipe 
the  institution  out  of  existence. 

The  condition  of  political  affairs  existing  throughout  the 
nation  between  1854  and  1856  was  one  of  practical  chaos.  It 
was  a  period  of  unrest  and  commotion  such  as  the  country  had 
not  seen  since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  which  was 
only  surpassed  by  the  agitation  which  attended  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War  seven  years  later,  of  which  it  was  the  precursor. 
Parties  were  disintegrating  and  their  mutually  repellant  ele- 
ments were  seeking  new  associations.  Anti-slavery  Demo- 
crats and  anti-slavery  Whigs  were  found  in  sympathy  and  al- 
liance with  each  other,  while  the  pro-slavery  factions  of  both 
parties  were  drifting  in  a  similar  manner  towards  a  common 
center.  By  "anti-slavery"  in  this  connection  I  do  not  mean 
those  who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  practical  "abolition,"or 
even  those  who  were  known  as  "Free  Soilers, "  but  those 
who  objected  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and 
were  opposed  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  in  territory  already 
free,  or  which  had  been  dedicated  to  freedom  by  that  most 
solemn  of  compacts. 

Jn  nearly  every  community  during  this  period,  especially 
in  the  more  densely  populated  portions  of  the  northern  states 
and  among  the  more  intelligent  classes,  were  groups  of  men 
gathered  from  both  of  the  old  parties,  as  well  as  avowed  Abo- 
litionists and  Free-Soilers,  who  were  accustomed  to  meet  and 
anxiously  confer  together  over  the  political  situation.  This 
was  especially  the  case  in  the  citv  of  Jacksonville,  my  home  at 
that  time — a  college  town  which  embraced  among  its  popula- 
tion many  familie's  of  eastern  origin,  or  those  from  education, 
association  or  natural  impulse,  in  sympathy  with  the  spirit  of 
freedom.  Among  those  who  held  advanced  views  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery,  I  may  mention  the  names  of  the  late  Prof. 
Jonathan  B.  Turner,  President  Julian  M.  Sturtevant,  of  Illi- 
nois college,  Dr.  Samuel  Adams,  of  the  same  institution,  Elihu 


34  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

Wolcott,  Hon.  Richard  Yates,  Prs.  David  Prince  and  Hiram 
K.  Jones  (the  latter  still  surviving  and  now  a  professor  in  Illi- 
nois college),  and  among  business  men  or  those  not  engaged  in 
the  professions,  John  Mathers,  J.  W.  and  J.  O.  King,  J.  H. 
Bancroft,  J.  W.  Lathrop,  Peter  Melendy,  Anderson  Foreman, 
and  many  others.  There  was  a  widespread,  an  almost  uni- 
versal, demand  among  this  class  and  their  sympathizers 
throughout  the  nation,  for  the  organization  of  a  new  party 
based  upon  resistance  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery,  a 
chief  incentive  being,  found  in  the  wrongs  and  outrages  per- 
petrated in  the  effort  to  plant  that  institution  in  Kansas,  fol- 
lowing immediately  upon  the  congressional  legislation  of  1854. 
It  was  my  fortune  at  this  time  to  be  the  editor  of  "The 
Morgan  (now  Jacksonville)  Journal,"  originally  a  Whig 
paper,  but  which,  on  taking  charge  of  it  early  in  1852 — fore- 
seeing, as  I  believed,  the  impending  disruption  of  parties — 
had  been  made  "independent."  On  the  enactment  of  the  Ne- 
braska bill,  however,  it  promptly  took  ground  in  opposition  to 
that  measure.  As  the  result  of  a  conference  with  my  partner, 
Mr.  Alvah  C.  Clayton — for  many  years  past  the  proprietor  of 
a  printing  house  in  St.  Louis  and  now  a  resident  of  Webster 
Groves,  near  that  city — about  the  holidays  in  December,  1855, 
"The  Journal"  published  an  editorial  suggesting  a  meeting  of 
the  Anti-Nebraska  Editors  of  the  state  for  the  purpose  of 
agreeing  upon  a  line  of  policy  to  be  pursued  in  the  campaign 
of  the  year  then  just  opening.  Owing  to  the  destruction  of 
the  files  of  "The  Journal"  of  that  period  by  fire,  I  am  unable 
to  quote  the  article  referred  to,  or  even  give  its  exact  date.  The 
following  quotation  from  the  Chicago  Tribune,  published  a 
few  weeks  before  the  date  of  the  convention,  will  indicate  the 
tenor  of  the  article,  as  well  as  its  origin : 

"FREE-STATE  EDITORIAL  CONVENTION." 

"It  was  moved  by  The  Morgan  Journal  and  seconded  by 
The  Winchester  Chronicle,  that  there  be  held  a  convention 
of  Free  State  Editors  at  Decatur  .on  the  22d  of  February.  The 
question  has  met  the  approval  of  the  Pike  County  Free  Press, 
Decatur  Chronicle  and  other  papers.  The  Morgan  Journal 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  35 

calls  on  The  Alton  Courier,  Democrat  (of  Chicago),  Demo- 
cratic Press,  Tribune,  Journal  and  Staah  Zeitung,  of  Chicago ; 
the  Springfield  Journal  and  the  Belleville  Advocate,  and  the 
Anti-Nebraska  press  generally,  from  one  end  of  the  prairie 
state  to  the  other,  to  express  their  sentiments  on  the  propriety 
of  the  proposed  convention." 

Then  follow  quotations  upon  the  subject  from  The 
Pike  County  Free  Press  and  The  Morgan  Journal,  after  which 
the  Tribune  concludes  its  indorsement  of  the  proposition  as 
follows : 

"The  reasons  set  forth  by  The  Journal  so  clearly  and  well, 
are  sufficient.  If  it  be  the  will  of  the  Free  State  Editors  of 
Illinois  to  hold  such  a  convention,  the  Tribune  will  be  repre- 
sented. We  need  only  add  that  the  proposition  meets  our  cor- 
dial approbation,  and  we  hope  a  ready  response  will  be  heard 
from  every  section  of  the  great  prairie  state  on  the  part  of  the 
editorial  corps  not  bound  to  swear  in  the  words  of  Douglas  and 
slavery." 

The  Winchester  Chronicle,  which  was  the  first  to  second 
the  proposition  of  The  Morgan  Journal,  was,  as  I  think,  then 
under  the  editorial  charge  of  the  late  Judge  John  Moses,  who 
later  was  secretary  for  a  number  of  years  of  the  Chicago  His- 
torical Society  and  author  of  Moses'  History  of  Illinois.  The 
Decatur  Chronicle,  then  edited  by  W.  J.  Usrey,  was  an  early 
indorser  of  the  movement,  and,  at  its  suggestion,  Decatur  was 
named  as  the  place  of  meeting,  and  accepted  by  common  con- 
sent. A  call  in  the  following  form  was  printed  in  the  papers 
indorsing  the  proposition : 

"EDITORIAL  CONVENTION/' 

"All  editors  in  Illinois  opposed  to  the  Nebraska  bill  are  re- 
quested to  meet  in  convention  at  Decatur,  Illinois,  on  the  22d 
of  February  next,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  for 
the  organization  of  the  Anti-Nebraska  forces  in  this  state  for 
the  coming  contest.  All  editors  favoring  the  movement  will 
please  forward  a  copy  of  their  paper  containing  their  approval 
to  the  office  of  The  Illinois  State  Chronicle,  Decatur." 

According  to  my  best  information,  obtained  by  consulting 
the  files  of  papers  which  took  part  in  the  movement,  it  received 
the  formal  indorsement  of  twenty-five,  representing  nearly  the 


36  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

entire  strength  of  the  Anti-Nebraska  press  of  the  state  at  that 
time.  Those  whose  names  were  appended  to  the  call  as  avowed 
supporters  of  the  proposition  were: 

The    Morgan   Journal,   Jackson-  The  Fultonian,  Vermont,  Pulton 

ville.  County. 

The  Chronicle,  Winchester.  The  Journal  (German),  Quincy. 

The  Illinois  State  Chronicle,  De-  The  Beacon,  Freeport. 

catur.  The  Pantograph,  Bloomington. 

The  Quincy  Whig,  Quincy.  The  Tme  Democrat,  Joliet. 

The  Pike  County  Free  Press,  Pitts-  The  Telegraph,  Lockport. 

field.  The  Gazette,  Kankakee. 

The  Gazette,  Lacon.  The  Guardian,  Aurora. 

The  Tribune,  Chicago.  The  Gazette,  Waukegan. 

The  Staats  Zeitung,  Chicago.  The  Chronicle,  Peru. 

The  Republican,  Oquawka.  The  Advocate,  Belleville. 

The  Republican,  Peoria.  The  Journal,  Chicago. 

The  Prairie  State,  Danville.  Thi  Journal,  Sparta. 
The  Advertiser,  Rock  Island. 

Others  may  have  indorsed  the  movement,  but  their  names 
were  not  appended  to  the  call  as  published  up  to  the  date  of  the 
convention.  The  proposition  was  ignored  by  the  Chicago 
Democrat  and  the  Democratic  Press,  though  thev  afterwards 
indorsed  the  call  for  the  Bloomington  convention  and  sup- 
ported its  nominees. 

The  convention  met  at  the  time  and  place  indicated  in  the 
call,  convening  in  the  parlor  of  what  was  then  the  "Cassell 
House" — afterwards  the  "Oglesby  House,"  but  now  known 
as  the  "St.  Nicholas  Hotel."  Of  those  who  had  indi- 
cated their  purpose  to  participate  in  the  movement,  a  round 
dozen  put  in  an  appearance  and  took  part  in  the  proceedings, 
while  two  or  three  others  arrived  later  in  the  day.  A  severe 
snow  storm,  which  fell  the  night  before,  blockaded  many  of 
the  railroads,  especially  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state,  and 
prevented  the  arrival  of  a  number  who  had  intended  to  be 
present.  The  early  arrivals  included  Dr.  Charles  H.  Ray  of 
the  Tribune,  and  George  Schneider  of  the  Staats  Zeitung,  Chi- 
cago; V.  Y.  Ralston,  of  the  Quincy  U'hig;  O.  P.  Wharton, 
of  the  Rock  Island  Advertiser;  T.  J.  Pickett,  of  the  Peoria 
Republican;  E.  C.  Daugherty,  of  the  Register  and  E.  AY. 
Blaisdell,  of  the  Republican,  Rockford :  Charles  Faxon,  of  the 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  37 

Princeton  Post;  A.  N.  Ford, of  the  Lacon  Gazette;  B.  F.  Shaw, 
of  the  Di.von  Telegraph;  W.  J.  Usrey,  of  the  Decatur  Chron- 
icle and  Paul  Selby  of  the  Morgan  Journal.  An  organization 
was  effected  with  Paul  Selby  as  chairman  and  Mr.  Usrey  as 
secretary,  while,  according  to  the  official  report,  Messrs.  Ray, 
Schneider,  Ralston,  Wharton,  Daugherty  and  Pickett  were 
appointed  a  committee  on  resolutions,  and  Messrs.  Faxon, 
Ford  and  Shaw  on  credentials. 

The  most  important  work  of  the  convention  was  transact- 
ed through  the  medium  of  the  committee  on  resolutions.  Mr. 
Lincoln  came  up  from  Springfield  and  was  in  conference  with 
the  committee  during  the  day,  and  there  is  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  platform,  reported  by  them  through  Dr.  Ray  as 
their  chairman,  and  adopted  by  the  convention,  bears  the  stamp 
of  his  peculiar  intellect.  A  copy  of  this  document,  embraced 
in  the  official  report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  convention,  I 
shall  deposit  with  this  paper  for  such  use  as  your  association 
may  see  proper  to  make  of  it. 

The  platform,  while  disavowing  any  intention  to  interfere, 
in  the  internal  "affairs  of  any  state  in  reference  to  slavery,  re- 
duced to  its  first  elements,  amounted  to  an  emphatic  protest 
against  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  territory  already 
free,  or  its  further  extension;  demanded  the  restoration  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise;  insisted  upon  the  maintenance  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  essential 
to  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  that,  under  it, 
"Freedom"  should  be  regarded  "as  the  rule  and  slavery  the 
exception,  made  and  provided  for  as  such — and  that  it  no- 
where recognizes  property  in  man  as  one  of  its  principles ;" 
declared  in  favor  of  the  widest  toleration  in  matters  of  religion 
and  for  the  protection  of  the  common  school  system — which 
was  a  protest  against  "Know-Nothingism"  which  had  swept 
over  the  country  within  the  preceding  two  years — and  con- 
cluded with  a  demand  for  "reform  in  the  administration  of  the 
state  government"  as  second  only  in  importance  to  the  slavery- 
extension  itself.  This  last  declaration  had  an  impressive  sig- 
nificance given  to  it,  just  three  years  later,  in  the  exposure  of 


38  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

the  "canal  scrip  fraud"  which  furnished  a  scandalous  sequel  to 
the  administration  of  Gov.  Matteson,  then  occupying  the  gu- 
bernatorial chair.  The  platform,  as  a  whole,  amounted  to  a 
declaration  of  the  most  conservative  Republicanism,  and  the 
foresight  of  its  authors  was  indicated  by  the  reiteration  of 
every  feature  of  it,  in  subsequent  years,  in  the  utterances  of 
state  and  national  conventions  of  the  party.  Without  dis- 
paragement to  any,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  Dr.  Charles  H.  Ray 
and  Mr.  George  Schneider  were  controlling  factors  in  framing 
the  platform — the  former  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
the  clear  enunciation  of  the  principles  of  the  new  party  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  and  the  latter  as  the  faithful  representative 
of  the  German  Anti-Nebraska  element  in  his  championship 
of  religious  tolerance  and  the  maintenance  of  the  naturaliza- 
tion laws  as  they  were,  as  against  the  demand  for  the  exclusion 
of  persons  of  foreign-birth  from  the  rights  of  American  citi- 
zenship. 

Not  less  important  than  the  platform,  and  possibly  even 
more  far-reaching  in  its  effects,  was  the  following,  which  was 
adopted  as  an  independent  resolution : 

'  'Resolved,  That  this  convention  recommend  a  state  dele- 
gate convention  to  be  held  on  Thursday,  the  29th  day  of  May 
next,  in  the  city  of  Bloomington,  and  that  the  state  central 
committee  be  requested  to  fix  the  ratio  of  representation  for 
that  convention,  and  take  such  steps  as  may  seem  desirable  to 
bring  about  a  full  representation  from  the  whole  state." 

The  adoption  of  this  resolution  had  been  preceded  by  the 
appointment  of  a  state  central  committee  embracing  the  fol- 
lowing names : 

First  district,  S.  M.  Church,  Rockford. 

Second  district,  W.  B.  Ogden,  Chicago. 

Third  district,  G.  D.  A.  Parks,  Joliet. 

Fourth  district,  T.  J.  Pickett,  Peoria. 

Fifth  district,  Edward  A.  Dudley,  Quincy. 

Sixth  district,  W.  H.  Herndon,  Springfield. 

Seventh  district,  R.  J.  Oglesby,  Decatur. 

Eighth  district,  Joseph  Gillespie,  Edwardsville. 

Ninth  district,  D.  L.  Phillips,  Jonesboro. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  39 

For  the  state-at-large :  Gustavus  Koerner,  Belleville,  and 
Ira  O.  Wilkinson.  Rock  Island. 

The  day's  proceedings  ended  with  a  banquet  given  in  the 
evening  to  the  editors  in  attendance  on  the  convention  and  a 
number  of  invited  guests,  by  the  citizens  of  Decatur  at  the 
Cassell  House.  By  this  time  there  had  been  two  or  three  ar- 
rivals of  belated  editors.  Those  whom  I  remember  distinctly 
were  Simeon Whitely,  of  the  Aurora  Guardian,  and  Edward  L. 
Baker,  of  the  State  Journal,  Springfield.  The  local  committee 
having  the  matter  of  the  banquet  in  charge  consisted  of  Capt. 
Isaac  C.  Pugh,  during  the  Civil  War  colonel  of  the  Forty-first 
Illinois  volunteers ;  Dr.  H.  C.  Johns,  who  died  at  Decatur  a  few 
weeks  ago,  and  Major.  E.  O.  Smith.  Richard  J.  Oglesby, 
then  a  young  lawyer,  presided  and  made  the  welcoming  ad- 
dress. Several  of  the  editors  made  speeches,  but,  of  course, 
the  principal  speech  of  the  evening  was  made  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 
In  response  to  a  suggestion,  by  one  of  the  editors  present,  of 
his  name  as  a  candidate  for  governor,  Mr.  Lincoln  illustrated 
his  characteristic  unselfishness  and  sagacity  by  advocating  the 
nomination  of  an  Anti-Nebraska  Democrat,  on  the  ground  that 
such  a  nomination  would  be  more  available  than  that  of  an 
old-line  Whig  like  himself,  finally  naming  Col.  William  H. 
Bissell  for  the  place — a  suggestion  that  was  carried  into  ef- 
fect at  Bloomington  in  May,  with  the  very  result  in  November 
following  that  he  then  predicted. 

The  men  named  upon  the  central  committee  all  acted  in 
that  capacity  with  three  exceptions.  These  were  W.  B.  Og- 
den,  who  declined  on  account  of  the  demands  of  business  re- 
quiring his  absence  from  the  state,  his  place  being  filled  by  Dr. 
John  Evans,  who  afterwards  became  the  territorial  governor 
of  Colorado  by  appointment  of  Mr.  Lincoln;  R.  J.  Oglesby 
left  the  state  for  a  tour  through  Europe  and  the  Holy  Land, 
his  place  being  filled  by  Col.  I.  C.  Pugh,  of  Decatur,  and  Gov- 
ernor Koerner  (then  serving  as  lieutenant  governor  under  the 
Democratic  administration  of  Governor  Matteson)  doubted 
whether  the  time  had  arrived  for  the  organization  of  a  new 
party,  and  so  declined,  his  place  being  left  vacant.  Thus 


40  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

changed,  the  committee  issued  its  call  for  a  "State  Convention 
of  the  Anti-Nebraska  party  of  Illinois,"  naming  May  29,  as 
the  date  and  Bloomington  as  the  place,  as  designated  by  the 
convention  at  Decatur. 

Thus  it  was  that,  on  the  I24th  anniversary  of  the  "Father 
of  His  Country,"  with  the  aid  and  counsel  of  the  man  who  was 
to  become  its  Preserver  amid  the  greatest  perils  that  had  ever 
assailed  it  from  the  foundation  of  the  government,  this  little 
band  of  Anti-Nebraska  editors  enunciated  the  doctrines  which 
were  to  be  accepted  as  the  foundation  principles  of  the  new 
party,  organized  and  manned  the  machinery,  and  set  it  in 
motion  in  the  direction  of  victory.  And  yet  there  was  not  a 
man  of  them  who  felt  he  was  domf  more  than  any  other  mem- 
ber of  the  incipient  party  was  ready  to  do.  The  time  was  ripe 
for  the  movement ;  its  spirit  was  in  the  minds  of  thousands,  and 
if  that  little  gathering  at  Decatur  had  not  taken  the  initiative, 
others  would  have  done  so  and  the  same  result  would  have 
been  achieved  at  last.  In  the  language  of  one  of  the  naval 
heroes  of  the  Spanish-American  War,  there  was  "honor 
enough  for  all." 

A  brief  word  as  to  the  personal  history  of  the  members 
of  the  Decatur  convention:  Ralston,  of  the  Quincy  Whig, 
after  serving  as  captain  in  an  Illinois  regiment  and,  later,  in 
an  Iowa  regiment,  died  in  a  hospital  in  St.  Louis  in  1864;  Dr. 
Charles  H.  Ray  spent  the  last  three  years  of  his  life  as  editor 
of  the  Chicago  Evening  Post,  dying  in  that  city  in  1870;  T.  J. 
Pickett  was  engaged  in  newspaper  work  in  Nebraska  for  a 
number  of  years,  dying  at  Ashland  in  that  state  in  1891;  A. 
N.  Ford  died  at  an  advanced  age  at  Lacon  in  1892;  W.  J. 
Usrey's  life  career  was  ended  at  Decatur  in  1894;  Daugherty 
retired  from  business  on  account  of  declining  health  in  1865 
and  died  not  long  after — the  exact  date  I  am  unable  to  give; 
Faxon  spent  some  time  after  the  war  in  government  employ- 
ment in  Washington  City,  dying,  as  I  think,  in  that  city,  date 
unknown;  Whitely,  after  being  employed  in  some  govern- 
ment position  among  the  Indians,  turned  his  attention  to  in- 
surance business  at  Racine,  Wisconsin,  where  he  died  about 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  41 

1890;  E.  L.  Baker  served  nearly  twenty- four  years  as  United 
States  consul  at  Buenos  Ayres,  dying  there  in  1897  as  the  re- 
sult of  injuries  received  in  a  railroad  accident.  So  far  as 
known  the  following  still  survive :  George  Schneider,  Chi- 
cago; E.  W.  Blaisdell,  Rockford;  B.  F.  Shaw,  of  The  Tele- 
graph, Dixon ;  O.  P.  Wharton,  editor  of  The  Daily  Journal 
and  Local,  of  Sandusky,  Ohio,  and  the  author  of  this  record. 

There  is  a  coincidence  of  no  small  interest  in  the  fact 
that,  on  the  same  day  the  conference  of  Anti- Nebraska  editors 
of  Illinois  was  in  progress  at  Decatur,  a  similar  body  of  repre- 
sentatives from  the  various  states  was  in  session  at  Pittsburg. 
Pennsylvania,  called  together  in  a  similar  manner, '  'for  the  pur- 
pose of  perfecting  the  national  organization  and  providing 
for  a  national  delegate  convention  of  the  Republican  party  to 
nominate  candidates  for  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency." 

Among  thosepresent  at  the  Pittsburg  meeting  we  find  such 
names  as  Francis  P.  Blair,  of  Maryland  (its  permanent  presi- 
dent) ;  Gov.  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  Preston  King  and  Horace 
Greeley,  of  New  York;  Judge  E.  R.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts; 
Oliver  P.  Morton  and  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana;  Zach- 
ariah  Chandler,  K.  S.  Bingham  and  Jacob  M.  Howard,  of 
Michigan;  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio;  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania;  Owen  Lovejoy  and  J.  C.  Vaughan,  of  Illinois, 
and  many  more  of  national  reputation.  Out  of  this  latter 
meeting  came  the  call  for  the  national  convention  at  Phila- 
delphia on  the  1 7th  of  June,  1856,  which  put  in  nomination 
John  C.  Fremont  for  the  presidency.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
the  new  party,  which  perfected  its  organization  in  this  city 
of  Bloomington  on  the  29th  day  of  May,  1856,  started  out 
in  its  career  abreast  of  the  national  organization  itself. 

The  call  for  the  Bloomington  convention,  as  issued  by  the 
state  central  committee  appointed  at  Decatur,  provided  for  a 
total  representation  of  226  delegates,  ranging  from  one  for 
each  of  the  smaller  counties,  to  seventeen  from  Cook.  When 
the  convention  came  together,  however,  owing  to  the  deep 
interest  manifested  in  some  of  the  counties  of  the  state  re- 
sulting in  a  large  attendance  of  outsiders,  and  the  unanimity 


42  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

which  prevented  the  introduction  of  controversial  issues,  it 
seems  to  have  resolved  itself  into  something  like  a  "mass  meet- 
ing," and,  although  some  thirty  counties,  chiefly  in  the  south- 
ern part  of  the  state,  were  wholly  unrepresented,  the  num- 
ber of  delegates  whose  names  got  upon  the  roll,  as  published 
in  the  papers  at  the  time,  amounted  to  about  270.  Of  these 
Lee  county  furnished  25,  while  the  little  county  of  Morgan 
came  next  with  20.  I  was  not  present  in  the  convention,  al- 
though appointed  a  delegate  and  entitled  to  be  there.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  the  popular  argument  of  some  of  the  most 
zealous  opponents  of  our  new  party  organization,  at  that  time, 
was  comprised  in  the  bludgeon  and  the  pistol.  On  the  Mon- 
day preceding  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  while  on  the 
way  from  my  office  to  the  hotel  at  which  I  boarded,  I  was  as- 
saulted upon  the  street  by  a  bevy  of  political  enemies — one  of 
them,  whom  I  had  no  reason  to  suspect  of  personal  hostility, 
stealing  behind  to  pinion  my  arms  while  his  confederates  closed 
around  me.  The  injuries  which  they  were  thus  able  to  inflict 
prevented  my  attendance  upon  the  convention,  but  made  no 
converts  for  their  cause.  The  country  was  even  then  ringing 
with  the  report  of  the  ruffianly  assault  upon  Charles  Sumner 
in  the  senate  chamber  at  Washington,  which  had  occurred  just 
four  days  previous;  but  the  name  of  Sumner  lives  in  history 
while  that  of  his  assailant  has  passed  into  practical  oblivion. 

And  now,  having,  in  compliance  with  the  request  made 
of  me,  presented  before  you  this  plain  unvarnished  record; 
having  traced  the  genealogy  of  the  Bloomington  convention 
of  18^6,  and  proved  its  legitimacy  of  descent  from  that  little 
editorial  conference  at  Decatur  on  February  22,  previous — • 
having  led  you,  so  to  speak,  to  the  doors  of  the  historic  con- 
vocation in  this  city — I  leave  to  others  to  admit  you  to  its  de- 
liberations, to  report  upon  its  acts  and  portray  the  personal 
characteristics  of  the  men  whose  presence  here  marked  an 
era  in  your  history  and  that  of  the  state  and  the  nation,  and  to 
describe  those  great  events  which,  through  the  agency  of  a 
Lincoln,  a  Yates,  a  Lovejoy,  a  Grant  and  other  Illinoisans, 
many  of  whom  participated  in  the  deliberations  of  that  assem- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  43 

blage  and,  acting  in  harmony  and  association  with  the  pa- 
triots and  heroes  of  the  whole  Union,  changed  the  destiny  of 
the  Republic  and  made  it  the  home  of  freemen  instead  of 
"half  slave  and  half  free."  In  this  result  we  see  not  only  the 
verification  of  the  marvelous  prediction  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
on  the  evening  of  June  17,  1858,  but  a  vindication  of  the  prin- 
ciples enunciated  and  the  policy  indorsed  in  that  little  con- 
vocation at  Decatur,  and  incorporated  in  positive  action  by  its 
successor  at  Bloomington,  on  May  29,  1856. 


Republican  State  Convention,  Springfield,  111.,  October  4-5, 

BY  PAUL  SELBY,  CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS. 

At  the  risk  of  going  outside  the  record  and  digressing 
from  the  strict  purpose  of  this  reunion,  I  ask  your  indulgence 
while  I  make  mention  of  the  earliest  attempt  to  organize  a 
party  in  this  state  on  the  basis  which  finally  became  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Republican  party.  I  do  this  in  no  spirit  of  partisan- 
ship, however,  and  with  less  compunction  because  it  is  a  part 
of  the  history  of  the  times  which  we  are  here  to  commemorate, 
and  citizens  of  Bloomington  were  prominent  figures  in  the 
movement.  This  undertaking  took  the  form  of  a  "mass  con- 
vention," so-called,  announced  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Spring- 
field, October  4,  1854,  a  few  months  after  the  passage  of  the 
Nebraska  bill  by  congress.  The  date  and  place  were  chosen 
because  the  second  annual  fair  of  the  Illinois  State  Agricultural 
Society  was  to  occur  there  during  the  same  week,  and  the  oc- 
casion was  deemed  most  favorable  for  securing  a  respectable 
attendance. 

It  fell  to  my  lot  to  be  one  of  five  delegates  (I  think)  from 
Morgan  county,  one  of  the  others  being  Dr.  Hiram  K.  Jones, 
now  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  Illinois  College  at  Jacksonville. 
When  we  came  together  we  found  that  not  only  had  no  ar- 
rangement been  made  for  a  place  of  meeting,  but  that  the  hall 


44  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

of  representatives  was  occupied  by  Senator  Douglas  and  others 
in  that  memorable  debate  in  which  he  first  met  Abraham  Lin- 
coln in  the  discussion  of  the  principles  of  the  Nebraska  bill. 
Among  those  who  espoused  Douglas'  side  of  the  question  were 
James  W.  Singleton  and  John  Calhoun,  the  latter  afterwards 
known  as  "John  Candle-box  Calhoun,"  on  account  of  his  con- 
nection with  the  alleged  frauds  in  the  attempt  to  impose  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  upon  the  people  of  Kansas.  Lyman 
Trumbull  and  Abraham  Lincoln  were  Douglas'  principal  an- 
tagonists, although  Judge  Sidney  Breese  and  the  late  Col.  E. 
D.  Taylor,  of  Chicago,  took  the  same  side,  though  later  found 
in  cooperation  with  the  Democratic  party.  This  debate  marked 
the  beginning  of  both  Trumbull's  and  Lincoln's  careers  as  lead- 
ers of  the  new  party,  and  ante-dated  only  a  few  months  the  con- 
test for  United  States  senatorship,  which  resulted  in  favor  of 
the  former. 

Between  the  debates  of  the  afternoon,  when  Douglas  and 
Trumbull  spoke,  and  the  evening  when  Lincoln  replied  to  the 
former,  we  managed  to  get  together  long  enough  to  effect  a 
temporary  organization  and  appoint  a  committee  on  resolutions 
when  an  adjournment  was  taken  to  the  following  day.  The 
late  A.  G.  Throop,  then  of  Chicago,  but  wrho  died  a  few  years 
since  at  Pasadena,  California,  was  chosen  chairman,  while 
Owen  Lovejoy,  Ichabod  Codding  and  the  late  Gen.  John  F. 
Farnsworth  were  leading  spirits  upon  the  floor.  The  committee 
on  resolutions  consisted  of  N.  C.  Geer,  of  Lake  county ;  John  T. 
Morse,  of  Woodford;  Erastus  Wright,  of  Sangamon;  Dr. 
H.  K.  Jones,  of  Morgan;  Bronson  Murray,  of  LaSalle  (for 
many  years  past  a  resident  of  New  York  City)  ;  S.  M.  Coe,  of 
Whiteside;  T.  B.  Hurlbut,  of  Madison;  William  Butler,  of 
Lee ;  Jesse  Penrose,  of  Whiteside ,  and  Dr.  Henry  Wing,  of 
Madison.  They  met  in  the  evening  in  the  dingy  office  of 
Erastus  Wright,  one  of  their  number  and  a  leading  anti-slavery 
man  of  Springfield,  and  transacted  their  business  by  the  light 
of  one  or  two  tallow  candles. 

A  place  of  meeting  was  found  for  the  convention  on  the 
second  day  in  the  old  senate  chamber,  and,  although  its  num- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  45 

bers  had  been  increased  somewhat  by  new  arrivals,  the  space 
was  ample.  The  committee  reported  a  conservative  platform, 
one  of  its  chief  features  being  embraced  in  the  two  following 
resolutions : 

"Resolved,  That,  as  freedom  is  national  and  slavery  sec- 
tional and  local,  the  absence  of  all  law  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery  presumes  the  existence  of  a  state  of  freedom  alone, 
while  slavery  exists  only  by  virtue  of  positive  law." 

"4.  That  slavery  can  exist  in  a  Territory  only  by  usurpa- 
tion and  in  violation  of  law,  and  we  believe  that  congress  has 
the  right  and  should  prohibit  its  extension  into  such  Territory, 
so  long  as  it  remains  under  the  guardianship  of  the  general 
government." 

The  platform  was  adopted  and  the  Hon.  John  E.  McClun. 
of  Bloomington,  was  nominated  for  state  treasurer, — the  only 
office  to  be  filled  by  election  that  year.  Later  Mr.  McClun 
gave  place  to  James  Miller,  also  of  Bloomington,  who  had  re- 
ceived a  nomination  for  the  same  office  from  a  Whig  convention, 
and  who  came  within  less  than  3,000  votes  of  election.  His 
successful  opponent  was  Hon.  John  Moore,  also  a  citizen  of 
Bloomington.  Two  years  later  Miller  was  the  nominee  of 
both  the  Republican  and  the  American  parties  and  was  elected 
by  over  20,000  majority. 

The  remaining  principal  business  transacted  by  this  con- 
vention was  the  appointment  of  a  state  central  committee,  con- 
sisting of  David  J.  Baker,  of  Madison  county,  (father  of  the 
late  Justice  D.  J.  Baker,  of  the  supreme  court)  ;  N.  D.  Coy.  of 
Knox;  N.  C.  Geer,  of  Lake;  A.  G.  Throop,  of  Cook;  E.  S. 
Leland,  of  LaSalle;  M.  L.  Dunlap,  of  Cook;  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, of  Sangamon ;  H.  M.  Sheets,  of  Stephenson ;  Zebina  East- 
man, of  Cook;  John  F.  Farnsworth,  of  Kane;  J.  B.  Fairbanks, 
of  Morgan,  and  Ichabod  Codding,  of  Cook.  This  committee 
never  formally  organized  and  faded  out  of  existence.  Mr. 
Lincoln  took  no  part  in  the  convention  and,  according  to  Hern- 
don,  absented  himself  from  the  city  on  the  second  day,  going 
to  Tazewell  county  in  order  that  he  might  not  be  identified  with 
it.  He  still  had  hope  that  the  Clay- Whigs  — the  party  of  his 
first  love — would  take  ground  against  the  Nebraska  bill,  and. 


46  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

when  notified  by  Codding  of  his  appointment  on  the  state  cen- 
tral committee,  declined  to  recognize  the  right  of  the  conven- 
tion to  use  his  name  in  that  connection. 

The  attempt  has  been  made  in  some  quarters  to  depreciate 
the  importance  of  this  convention  by  minimizing  the  numbers 
in  attendance  and  representing  that  it  was  "called  and  managed 
by  extremists."  While  it  is  true  that  such  men  as  Owen  Love- 
joy  and  Ichabod  Codding — known  as  uncompromising  anti- 
slavery  men — were  leading  spirits  in  the  convention,  the  con- 
servative character  of  the  platform  adopted  is  a  conclusive  an- 
swer to  the  charge  of  fanaticism.  This  went  no  farther  than 
a  distinct  declaration  of  opposition  to  extension  of  slavery  into 
free  territory,  which  became  the  essence  of  Republicanism  two 
years  later.  When,  on  the  proposition  to  place  the  name  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  on  the  list  of  members  of  the  state  central  committee, 
the  question  was  raised  whether  he  was  in  sympathy  with  the 
views  maintained  by  the  convention,  I  have  a  distinct  recollection 
that  Owen  Lovejoy,  in  emphatic  terms,  vouched  for  his  fidel- 
ity to  the  principles  enunciated  in  our  platform.  And,  while 
Mr.  Lincoln  then  cherished  the  hope  that  his  beloved  Whig 
party  would  finally  range  itself  in  opposition  to  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the  principles  of  the  Nebraska 
bill,  he  and  Lovejoy  were  found  contending  for  the  same  prin- 
ciple before  the  convention  in  this  city  in  1856,  and,  in  the 
presidential  chair,  he  had  no  more  zealous  champion  and  loyal 
supporter  than  the  brother  of  the  Alton  martyr. 

The  Chicago  Daily  Democrat,  edited  by  the  late  John 
Wentworth,  in  its  issue  of  November  2,  1860,  four  days  be- 
fore the  election  of  Lincoln  to  the  presidency,  after  giving  the 
history  of  this  convention  substantially  as  I  have  given  it  here, 
says : 

"Such  was  the  birth  of  the  Republican  party  in  Illinois. 
Such  were  the  men  who  set  the  ball  in  motion  which  is  now 
rolling  forward  with  irresistible  force.  Almost  without  ex- 
ception they  are  men  who  loved  liberty  for  itself  and  not  for 
office.  They  were  the  founders,  and  they  have  been  the  pi- 
oneers and  righting  men  of  the  party.  They  have  fought  its 
battles,  won  its  victories  and  have  brought  it  to  the  threshold 
of  a  great  triumph." 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  47 

Although  the  convention  of  1854  failed  of  its  object,  so 
far  as  perfecting  the  new  party  organization  was  concerned, 
the  platform  there  adopted  not  only  enunciated  the  principles 
accepted  by  the  party  two  years  later,  but  played  a  curious  and 
interesting  part  in  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  in  1858.  This 
grew  out  of  the  production  by  Senator  Douglas  before  the 
audience  at  the  first  debate  held  at  Ottawa  on  August  21,  of 
that  year,  of  a  series  of  extremely  radical  resolutions,  which 
he  said  had  been  adopted  at  the  Springfield  meeting,  of  which 
he  represented  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  a  member,  and  of 
which  he  became  a  representative  by  virtue  of  his  appointment 
to  a  membership  on  the  state  central  committee.  As  to  the 
last  it  has  already  been  shown  that  Mr.  Douglas  was  in  error, 
as  he  also  was  in  regard  to  the  genuineness  of  the  resolutions 
themselves.  These  had,  in  fact,  been  adopted  by  a  local  con- 
vention in  the  northern  part  of  the  state, — in  Aurora,  I  think, — 
but,  whether  innocently  or  intentionally,  I  will  not  presume  to 
say, — had  been  incorrectly  published  by  the  State  Register,  a 
few  days  after  the  Springfield  convention  of  October  4  and  5, 
1854,  as  the  platform  adopted  there.  At  the  next  debate, 
which  occurred  at  Freeport,  a  week  later,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  a 
position  not  only  to  vindicate  himself  from  responsibility  for 
the  Springfield  meeting,  but  to  expose  Mr.  Douglas'  blunder. 
Douglas  excused  himself  on  the  ground  that  the  resolutions 
had  been  used  in  debate  by  Thomas  L.  Harris,  then  a  member 
of  congress  from  the  Springfield  district,  as  those  adopted  at 
the  Springfield  meeting,  and  that  he  had  been  assured  by  the 
editor  of  the  Register  that  this  was  correct.  That  Mr.  Doug- 
las was  unconsciously  led  into  an  error  by  the  misrepresenta- 
tion of  his  own  organ  there  is  no  doubt,  but  its  effect  was  to 
produce  a  recoil  from  his  argument  at  Ottawa,  which  caused 
him  no  little  chagrin  and  mortification  at  the  time,  and  from 
which  he  did  not  fully  escape  during  the  remainder  of  the  de- 
bates. 

I  reiterate  what  I  said  at  the  beginning  of  this  digression , 
that  I  do  not  allude  to  this  incident  in  any  spirit  of  partisanship, 
but  simply  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  times  we  are  com- 
memorating today. 


48  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 


The  Germans  and  the  German   Press. 
Pres.  Davis: 

After  the  suppression  of  the  Revolution  of  1848,  large  numbers  of 
the  liberty  loving  Germans  came  to  this  country.  On  the  formation  of 
the  Republican  party  the  most  of  them  came  into  its  ranks,  because 
they  considered  it  the  only  party  of  liberty. 

Our  speaker  tonight  is  a  native  of  Germany,  an  eminent  lawyer, 
an  author  of  legal  works,  and  a  German  poet,  who  will  address  us  on 
"The  Germans  and  the  German  Press." 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  Hon.  William  Vocke. 

WILLIAM    VOCKE,      CHICAGO,,   ILLINOIS. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  The  last  week  of  the  month 
of  May,  1854,  marks  a  most  momentous  epoch  in  the  politi- 
cal history  of  our  country.  After  weeks  of  unparalleled 
excitement  reflected  in  the  debates  of  congress,  as  well  as 
in  all  other  agencies  of  public  utterance  throughout  the 
country,  the  federal  house  of  representatives,  on  the  22d 
day  of  said  month,  passed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  by  which 
the  time-honored  Missouri  Compromise  between  the  free 
states  of  the  north  and  the  southern  slave  states  was  repealed. 
Three  days  later  the  senate  concurred  in  the  measure;  on 
the  3Oth  of  May  it  received  the  signature  of  the  president, 
whereby  it  became  a  law,  and  thus  all  the  territories  lying 
north  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes  north  latitude  were  exposed 
to  the  inroads  of  the  southern  slave  power.  To  the  better 
element  of  the  northern  people,  recognizing  as  they  did  that 
slavery  was  a  frightful  blot  upon  the  civilization  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  it  was  hardly  conceivable  that  the 
grandchildren  of  the  patriots  of  the  War  of  Independence 
could  so  far  forget  themselves  as  to  tear  down  the  last  bul- 
wark which  the  wisdom  of  their  freedom-loving  fathers  had 

William  Vocke  was  born  at  Minden,  Germany,  1839:  emigrated  to  United 
States  in  1856,  and  came  to  Chicago:  studied  law.  captain  in  24th  111.  Vols.:  1870, 
elected  representative  to  General  Assembly;  attorney  for  the  German  consulate 
at  Chicago:  a  leading  lawyer  of  Chicago  and  of  high  literary  taste;  member  of  the 
Republican  National  Convention  of  1872. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


49 


HON.  WILLIAM  VOCKE. 


50  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

established  against  the  curse,  and  while  all  the  political  or- 
ganizations of  the  country,  the  Democrats,  Whigs,  Free- 
Soilers  and  Know-Nothings,  were  alike  thrown  into  a  state 
of  disintegration,  everywhere  the  germs  sprang  up  for  the 
formation  of  a  new  party  which  should,  upon  strictly  con- 
stitutional grounds,  distinctly  mark  the  limits  of  the  slave- 
power. 

Two  months  before  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill  a  number  of  Whigs,  Free-Soilers  and  Democrats 
met  on  several  days  in  an  humble  school  house  of  the  modest 
little  town  of  Ripon,  Wisconsin,  to  discuss  the  formation  of 
a  new  party,  and  on  the  3Oth  of  March,  1854,  it  was  sug- 
gested that  it  be  called  the  "Republican  party"  and  a  resolu- 
tion was  carried  that  its  object  should  be  to  secure  the  con- 
finement of  slavery  within  its  present  limits.  It  does  not 
seem  to  be  definitely  established,  whether  or  not  to  this  ob- 
scure spot  in  the  then  far  west  belongs  the  glory  of  having 
given  the  first  impetus  to  the  organization  that  brought 
about  the  memorable  events  to  which  our  nation  owes  its 
deliverance  from  the  relic  of  crudest  barbarism. 

The  day  after  the  adoption  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 
about  thirty  members  of  the  federal  house  of  representa- 
tives met  in  conference  to  take  the  formation  of  the  new 
party  in  hand,  because  there  was  no  longer  any  hope  that 
the  old  ones  could  successfully  oppose  the  encroachments  of 
the  slave-power.  Here  too  the  name  "Republican  party" 
was  proposed  for  the  new  organization.  From  that  moment, 
the  agitation  proceeded  throughout  the  northern  states  until 
the  organization  received  definite  shape  at  a  convention  of 
delegates  from  various  northern  states  held  on  Washington's 
birthday  in  1856  at  Pittsburg,  where  it  was  resolved  to  call  a 
national  convention  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  the 
presidency  and  vice-presidency.  This  convention  was  held 
on  the  i /th  of  June,  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  at  Philadelphia.  Meanwhile  the  people  were  thoroughly 
aroused,  permanent  organizations  were  formed  everywhere, 
nominating  conventions  were  held  in  all  the  states  throughout 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  51 

the  north,  thus  in  this  state  the  Bloomington  convention  on  the 
day  we  now  celebrate,  and  the  Republican  party,  having  been 
successfully  launched,  entered  upon  a  career  of  triumph  and 
glory  which  has  shed  the  greatest  lustre  upon  the  history  of 
our  country.  In  sympathy  with  the  widely  expressed  senti- 
ments of  the  north  the  Philadelphia  convention  did  not  stop 
with  the  demand  that  the  former  barriers  against  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery  should  merely  be  restored,  but  it  declared : 

"We  demand  and  shall  attempt  to  secure  the  repeal  of 
all  laws  which  allow  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  terri- 
tories once  consecrated  to  freedom,  and  will  resist  by  every 
constitutional  means  the  existence  of  slavery  in  any  of  the 
territories  of  the  United  States." 

I  have  been  invited  to  show  on  this  occasion  what  part 
the  German  element  of  the  country  took  in  the  mighty  move- 
ment which  led  to  the  overthrow  of  the  southern  slave  power 
and  the  regeneration  and  securer  establishment  of  our  na- 
tional Union. 

The  immigrants  from  Germany,  who  had  become  na- 
turalized here,  had,  before  the  attitude  of  the  two  great  par- 
ties toward  slavery  became  clearly  defined,  instinctively 
drifted  toward  the  Democratic  party,  not  only  because  there 
was  a  natural  charm  in  the  word  "Democratic,"  but  also  be- 
cause they  found  that  the  Know-Nothing  party,  which  had 
for  a  few  years  achieved  phenomenal  successes  principally  in 
the  northern  states,  had  been  most  extensively  recruited  from 
the  old  Whigs.  But  when  the  issue  between  free  labor  and  ne- 
gro slavery  was  once  squarely  presented,  their  education  and 
great  good  sense  prompted  them  at  once  to  take  a  firm  stand 
on  the  side  of  freedom.  They  had  never  been  able  to  per- 
ceive, why  under  a  free  government  persons  should  be  held 
in  slavery,  the  subject  of  barter  and  sale  like  cattle,  because 
their  skin  was  black  and  their  hair  woolly.  They  keenly 
recognized  that  labor  was  degraded  by  the  slave  holder  at 
the  expense  of  the  free  man.  As  citizens  of  this  republic, 
which  had  become  their  and  their  children's  fatherland,  they 
appreciated  that  they,  with  all  the  rest  of  the  people,  were 


52  Anti-Nebraska  Republican, 

responsible  for  its  good  government;  but  they  did  not  busy 
themselves  with  the  niceties  of  the  question  of  states'  rights 
or  state  sovereignty,  because,  in  abjuring  the  allegiance  they 
formerly  owed  to  another  sovereign,  they  had  not  become 
citizens  of  the  particular  state  alone  in  which  they  had  taken 
up  their  abode,  but  Americans  enjoying  the  protection  of 
that  flag  which  waved  over  the  entire  country.  It  was  also 
clear  to  them  that  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Union  no 
guarantees  were  expressed  either  for  the  protection  or  ex- 
tension of  slavery,  and  hence  they  solved  all  doubts  in  their 
minds  as  to  the  law  of  the  case  in  favor  of  the  inalienable 
rights  of  man.  Then  again  the  Missouri  Compromise  had 
for  more  than  thirty  years  served  as  a  bulwark  against  the 
spread  of  slavery  into  the  northern  territories,  and  why 
should  this  barrier  now  be  ruthlessly  broken/down  in  order  to 
admit  a  hideous  institution  which  made  every  right-minded 
man  in  the  country  blush  with  shame?  From  this  mode  of 
reasoning  the  Germans  neither  took  kindly  to  the  notion  of 
squatter  sovereignty,  because  they  could  not  see  why  the 
black  blotch  of  slavery  should  be  permitted  to  disfigure  the 
fair  western  domain,  simply  because  it  might  be  imported 
through  the  back  door  by  the  border  ruffians.  The  argu- 
ments were  few  and  simple,  our  German-American  citizens, 
acting  independently  everywhere,  planted  themselves  firmly 
on  the  side  of  freedom,  and  swelled  the  ranks  of  the  Re- 
publican party  immensely,  for  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that 
in  our  western  states  in  particular  their  number  was  great 
enough  to  make  them  a  powerful  factor,  when  the  destinies 
of  our  country  were  finally  decided  at  the  ballot  box. 

The  southern  slaveholders  viewed  the  position  of  the 
Germans  with  the  utmost  bitterness  and  alarm,  which  came 
to  the  surface  not  only  in  the  bloody  Know-Nothing  riots 
at  Baltimore,  Louisville  and  other  southern  cities,  but  also 
in  most  violent  public  utterances  of  many  of  the  foremost 
men  of  the  south.  The  Know-Nothings  of  the  north  were, 
in  their  secret  and  mysterious  efforts  to  disfranchise  the 
foreign  element  of  our  people,  prompted  chiefly  by  their 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  53 

hatred  of  the  Catholic  church;  the  slaveholders'  party,  how- 
ever, announced  its  ill-will  against  the  Germans  of  the  north 
only  for  the  stand  they  took  against  slavery  and  on  that  ac- 
count they  were  pronounced  to  be  the  most  un-American  ele- 
ment in  the  Union.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  first 
introduced  by  Senator  Douglas  on  the  23d  of  January,  1854. 
Six  days  later  a  mass  meeting  of  Germans  was  held  in  Chi- 
cago under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  George  Schneider,  the  edi- 
tor of  the  Illinois  Staats-Zeitung  and  an  honored  member 
of  your  convention,  protesting  against  the  passage  of  the  bill, 
and  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  find,  this  was  the  first  in- 
dignation meeting  directed  against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  in  the  country.  Shortly  after  the  passage  of 
the  bill  the  Germans  of  Chicago  held  another  rally  called  by 
Edward  Schlaeger,  editor  of  a  weekly  German  paper  entitled 
the  German-American,  Fritz  Baumann  and  others,  express- 
ing their  abhorrence  at  the  measure.  At  this  meeting  its 
author,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  was  burnt  in  effigy.  This  was 
the  signal  for  an  outburst  of  bitter  hatred  against  the  Ger- 
man element  on  the  part  of  the  southern  oligarchs  in  con- 
gress. Shortly  after  the  convening  of  that  body  in  Decem- 
ber, 1854,  Adams,  of  Mississippi,  introduced  a  naturaliza- 
tion bill  under  which  foreigners  should  not  be  admitted  to  ' 
citizenship  until  after  a  residence  of  twenty-one  years,  giving, 
as  he  did,  as  a  reason  for  this  measure  the  fact  that  the  wick- 
ed Germans  had  sent  in  so  many  petitions  against  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska bill  and  declaring  further :  "When  I  learned 
the  indignity  offered  to  Senator  Douglas  by  a  German  mob, 
I  determined  to  introduce  this  bill."  In  their  perverseness 
other  southern  representatives  boldly  insisted  that  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Germans  on  the  slavery  question  showed  them 
to  be  incapable  of  entering  into  the  spirit  of  American  life 
and  of  assimilating  with  our  people,  and  that  hence  the  safest 
and  only  way  to  bring  about  assimilation  was  to  deprive 
them  of  the  right  of  suffrage. 

Though    it    may    be    conceded    that   the  desire   of  the 
southern   slaveholders   to   disfranchise   the    German   element 


54  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

was  from  their  view-point  perfectly  reasonable,  it  will  never- 
theless be  seen  that  the  arguments  by  which  they  sought  to 
carry  it  out  were  wholly  worthless,  and  that  nothing  in  the 
whole  range  of  political  agitation  could  have  afforded  a  more 
striking  proof  of  the  fact,  that  the  Germans  were  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  expression  thoroughly  Americanized,  than  their 
opposition  to  slavery. 

In  that  great  movement  the  Germans  were  so  resolute 
and  so  united  that  from  the  very  start  they  left  no  one  in 
doubt  as  to  their  position.  At  the  second  annual  meeting 
of  the  American  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society  held  on 
the  loth  of  May,  1854,  at  the  New  York  Tabernacle,  the 
following  resolution  was  adopted : 

"Resolved,  That  we  rejoice  in  the  great  unanimity 
manifested  by  the  German  presses,  and  our  German  fellow- 
citizens  throughout  the  country,  in  opposition  to  the  Ne- 
braska scheme,  so  inimical  to  their  Democratic  principles, 
to  their  cherished  hopes  and  to  the  renown  of  their  adopted 
country." 

Shortly  after  the  enactment  of  the  infamous  Nebraska 
bill  it  was  shown  by  the  Cincinnati  Gazette  that  in  its  pub- 
lished list  of  eighty-eight  German  newspapers  in  this  coun- 
try there  were  eighty  that  had  declared  their  firm  opposition 
to  the  measure,  while  only  eight  remained  which  were  de- 
based enough  to  defend  it. 

Thus  from  the  very  beginning  the  Germans  proved  to 
be  true  not  only  to  the  noblest  traditions  of  their  race,  which 
has  been  the  natural  friend  of  an  enlightened  freedom  the 
world  over,  but  also  to  the  most  vital  interests  of  the  new 
country,  in  which  they  had  found  hospitable  homes.  Their 
noble  and  God-fearing  countryman  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius, 
who  was  at  the  head  of  the  little  band  brought  into  Penn- 
sylvania by  William  Penn  in  1683,  had  been  the  first  man 
in  this  land  who  issued  a  public  protest  against  the  crime 
of  slavery  in  which  he  warningly  exclaimed  to  the  Ameri- 
can colonists :  "Have  not  these  negroes  as  much  right  to 
fight  for  their  freedom  as  you  have  to  keep  them  slaves?" 
This  same  sentiment  was  theirs,  because  it  was  the  true  Ger- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  55 

man  instinct,  and  with  it  they  marched  shoulder  to  shoulder 
with  their  fellow-citizens  of  other  nationalities,  in  order  to 
achieve  for  our  country  that  universal  freedom  which  our 
revolutionary  forefathers  had  in  truth  and  in  fact  intended 
to  establish. 

During  the  trying  years  which  followed  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  our  fellow-citizens  of  German 
extraction  never  faltered  in  their  attachment  to  the  cause 
of  freedom.  In  1860,  their  votes  decided  the  election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  hence  the  pure-minded  Charles  Sum- 
ner  might  well  say  as  he  did  on  the  25th  day  of  February, 
1862 :  "Our  German  fellow-citizens,  throughout  the  long 
contest  with  slavery,  have  not  only  been  earnest  and  true,  but 
have  always  seen  the  great  question  in  its  just  character  and 
importance.  Without  them  our  cause  would  not  have  tri- 
umphed at  the  last  presidential  election.  It  is  only  natural, 
therefore,  that  they  should  continue  to  guard  and  advance 
this  cause."  And  a  little  later  the  same  illustrious  champion 
of  freedom  spoke  the  following  words  on  the  floor  of  the 
senate :  "The  brave  and  pure  German  stock,  which,  even 
from  that  early  day,  when  first  revealed  to  history  in  the 
sharp  and  clean-cut  style  of  Tacitus,  has  preserved  its  orig- 
inal peculiarities  untouched  by  change,  showing  that,  though 
the  individual  is  mortal,  the  race  is  immortal.  *  *  *  We  cannot 
forget  the  fatherland  which  out  of  its  abundance  has  given 
to  our  republic  so  many  good  heads,  so  many  strong  arms, 
with  so  much  virtue  and  intelligence,  rejoicing  in  freedom 
and  calling  no  man  master." 

It  would  be  like  an  attempt  to  brighten  the  lustre  of  the 
sun  were  we  to  cumulate  further  evidence  showing  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Germans  and  the  German  press  on  the  slavery 
issue.  The  facts  stand  out  boldly  on  the  pages  of  our  his- 
tory. Throughout  the  political  contest,  as  well  as  in  all  the 
gloomy  hours  of  the  Civil  War,  in  which  the  blood  of  the 
best  men  of  the  nation  washed  out  the  foul  stain  of  slavery, 
the  position  of  our  German-American  citizens  was  consistent 
and  patriotic.  But  for  the  steadfast  loyalty  which  the  Ger- 


56  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

mans  of  St.  Louis  evinced  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  Mis- 
souri would  have  been  taken  out  of  the  Union  and  the  task 
of  our  government  to  suppress  the  slaveholders'  rebellion 
would  have  been  infinitely  harder  to  accomplish.  The  ar- 
chives of  the  war  department  at  Washington  show,  that  upon 
the  basis  of  the  population  of  the  loyal  states,  as  ascertained 
by  the  census  of  1860,  the  German  element  of  the  country 
furnished  60,000  more  soldiers  than,  with  reference  to  the 
whole  number  of  enlistments  during  the  war,  it  would  have 
been  obliged  to  furnish,  had  all  the  people  of  every  other  na- 
tivity at  that  time  represented  here  enlisted  in  the  same  ratio. 
On  every  battlefield  of  the  Union  the  loyalty  and  devotion 
of  that  element  for  the  country  and  the  flag  was  most  nobly 
demonstrated. 

But  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  noble  bearing  of 
our  German- American  citizens  in  the  most  sacred  cause  of  the 
country  found  at  all  times  grateful  recognition  at  the  hands  of 
the  Republican  party  in  this  state,  and  that  the  invaluable 
services  of  the  men  who  led  them  in  the  holy  crusade  against 
slavery  were  always  duly  appreciated  and  honored.  Thus 
the  patriotic  Frederick  Hecker,  famous  for  his  warm  devotion 
to  the  cause  of  human  freedom  in  the  Fatherland  as  well  as 
here,  was  as  early  as  1856  accorded  the  high  honor  of  being 
placed  on  the  Republican  ticket  as  a  presidential  elector  at 
large  by  the  side  of  the  immortal  Lincoln.  In  1860,  the  dis- 
tinguished Francis  A.  Hoffmann,  now  a  venerable  patriarch, 
devoting  his  life  to  most  useful  literary  labors,  was  elected  by 
the  Republican  party  lieutenant  governor  of  the  state.  At 
the  same  time  the  Republicans  of  Cook  county  elected  A.  C. 
Hesing,  another  German  leader  of  great  strength,  as  sheriff  of 
Cook  county.  In  1861  the  learned  and  accomplished  Gustav 
Koerner,  of  Belleville,  was  appointed  by  president  Lincoln 
minister  at  the  Court  of  Spain,  George  Schneider,  of  Chicago, 
who  was  an  honored  member  of  your  convention,  was  in- 
trusted with  an  important  consulate  in  Europe,  and  Herman 
Kreissmann  of  the  same  place  was  made  secretary  of  legation 
at  Berlin. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  57 

On  the  whole  it  must  be  conceded  that  no  man  in  the  na- 
tion valued  the  inestimable  services  of  the  Germans  in  the 
cause  of  the  Republican  party  more  highly  than  the  sainted 
Lincoln.  Right  after  his  inauguration,  besides  those  already 
named  from  this  state,  he  appointed  a  number  of  other  promi- 
nent Germans  from  all  over  the  country  to  important  diplo- 
matic and  consular  positions  abroad,  one  a  federal  judge  in 
Missouri  and  a  host  of  others  to  administrative  offices  of  every 
character.  And  this  splendid  example  of  the  fair  treatment 
of  an  element  which  had  given  such  noble  proof  of  its  keen  ap- 
preciation of  the  highest  civic  duties  and  its  steadfast  loyalty 
to  the  same,  found  at  all  times  proper  emulation  among  the 
Republicans  of  this  state  until  recently.  The  Germans  are 
not  mercenaries  in  politics,  but  they  have  a  right  to  ask  that 
they  be  not  excluded  from  public  honors,  because  they  not  only 
form,  next  to  our  native  American  voters,  the  strongest  element 
in  the  Republican  party,  as  has  been  shown  at  the  last  as  well 
as  at  all  previous  presidential  elections  during  the  last  forty 
years,  but  such  exclusion  must  necessarily  have  the  effect  of 
stamping  them  as  unworthy  to  hold  office. 

The  invitation  extended  to  me  to  explain  on  this  oc- 
casion the  honorable  part  the  Germans  took  in  wiping  out 
from  the  proud  escutcheon  of  our  nation  the  stain  of  slavery, 
shows  the  great  good  will  cherished  by  the  callers  of  this 
meeting  for  the  German  element  of  this  state  and  country. 
It  evinces  the  true  spirit  in  which  the  different  elements  of 
our  people  should  approach  each  other  and  in  which  har- 
mony among  all  can  be  best  fostered.  Let  us  for  the  com- 
mon good  of  all  assiduously  cultivate  this  spirit  of  harmony 
and  with  a  heart  rilled  with  enlightened  toleration  bear  with 
the  legitimate  peculiarities  of  all,  no  matter  how  widely 
others  may  vary  from  our  own.  Let  no  German  ever  berate  his 
fellow-citizens  of  another  race  because  of  characteristics  dis- 
tinct from  his.  Let  no  other  citizen  look  slightingly  upon  the 
German  because  of  his  manners,  or  believe  him  to  be  less  in- 
telligent than  his  fellow-man  of  equal  station  in  life,  be- 
cause, speaking  a  foreign  tongue,  he  cannot  express  his 


58  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

thoughts  in  the  language  of  the  country  as  well  as  he  who 
has  imbibed  the  English  at  his  mother's  breast. 

Every  nation  is  visited  at  times  by  movements  which  par- 
take of  the  character  of  a  craze,  and  though  they  cannot 
lastingly  divert  it  from  its  legitimate  aspirations  and  normal 
political  development  they  may  nevertheless  for  the  time  be- 
ing work  serious  mischief.  In  this  behalf  it  may  be  safely 
said  that  no  element  of  the  American  people  has  shown  itself 
to  be  better  equipped  to  resist  such  crazes,  whether  they  are 
the  outgrowth  of  our  economic  life  or  of  our  intercourse 
with  the  outside  world,  than  our  German-American  citizens. 
We  may,  therefore,  always  rest  assured  that  the  honor,  the 
dignity,  and  the  greatness  of  our  common  country  will  never 
suffer  at  their  hands.  True,  blind  partisanship  has  some- 
times stigmatized  them  as  unreliable,  but  the  dictates  of 
party  are  not  always  prompted  by  patriotism  and  good  states- 
manship, for  it  sometimes  happens  that,  either  from  stupidity 
or  for  the  sake  of  office  or  pelf,  the  honor  of  the  country  is 
placed  in  jeopardy  by  the  very  men  who  direct  the  policy  of 
a  party.  Although  it  may  sound  paradoxical,  it  is  neverthe- 
less true,  as  stated  by  one  of  the  foremost  writers  of  our  his- 
tory, that  "one  of  the  most  powerful  factors  in  the  progress- 
ive nationalization  of  the  republic  is  its  adopted  citizens 
who  have  come  from  all  the  countries  of  the  earth."  It  was 
largely  clue  to  this  fact  that  the  Germans,  at  the  time  of  our 
country's  greatest  peril,  rallied  round  the  flag  of  liberty  and 
Union,  and  upon  that  rock  alone  they  will  always  rest  their 
adherence  to  party. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  59 


Owen  Lovejoy,  Constitutional  Abolitionists  and  the  Republican  Party. 

Pres.  Davis: 

Benjamin  P.  Shaw,  for  nearly  half  a  century  editor  and  proprietor 
of  the  Dixon  Telegraph,  a  delegate  to  the  editorial  convention  of  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1856,  that  called  the  convention  of  May  29,  and  also  a  dele- 
gate to  that  convention,  has  written  a  paper  on  "Lovejoy  and  the 
Constitutional  Abolitionists,  and  the  Republican  Party."  ,  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  introducing  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Shaw,  of  Dixon. 

BENJAMIN   P.    SHAW,    OF   DIXON,    ILL. 

The  evangelist  awakens  interest  in  his  cause  by  recalling 
the  suffering  of  Christ  and  His  fellow-martyrs.  On  the  Fourth 
of  July  the  American  citizen  renews  his  patriotism  in  recalling 
Valley  Forge  and  the  "times  that  tried  men's  souls."  Is  it 
not  well  that  we,  also,  in  our  own  day  recall  deeds  of  heroic 
sacrifice  rendered  for  our  fellow  men?  I  could  not  refuse  a 
request  of  the  McLean  County  Historical  Society,  to  tell  in 
my  o\vn  poor  way,  what  I  know  about  "Lovejoy,  Constitution- 
al Abolitionists  and  the  Republican  Party."  They  took  up  a 
political  contest  that  meant,  in  a  goodly  portion  of  the  country, 
social  and  political  ostracism  at  that  time;  while  the  chances 
were  that  the  people  they  interceded  for  would  never  hear  their 
names  mentioned.  It  was  an  unselfish  and  patriotic  labor,  for 
the  relief  of  a  people ;  and,  indeed,  a  great  nation. 

It  may  not  be  gracious  to  compare  matters  political  with 
sacred  history,  still  I  shall  urge  that  the  party  whose  birth  we 
today  celebrate,  stands  without  a  rival  in  the  line  of  advancing 
a  great  nation  to  a  higher  civilization.  No  human  agency  in 
all  the  tide  of  times  has  accomplished  more  in  modifying 

B.  F.  Shaw  was  born  in  Waverly,  New  York,  March  31,  1831,  of  American  par- 
ents. His  father's  mother  was  the  last  survivor,  at  her  death,  of  the  "Massacre 
of  Wyoming."  Her  father  and  two  uncles  were  killed  in  the  battle.  His  mother's 
father,  Major  Zephon  Flowers,  was  a  Revolutionary  soldier,  and  a  descendant  of 
Governor  Bradford,  of  Massachusetts,  who  kept  the  log  of  the  Mayflower. 

Mr.  Shaw  is  now  owner  and  proprietor  of  the  Dixon  Telegraph  and  has  been  for 
many  years.  Was  Washington  correspondent  of  a  leading  Chicago  paper  in  1867 
and  1868.  He  was  two  terms  clerk  of  the  circuit  court  and  recorder  of  Lee  county 
and  six  years  a  canal  commissioner  of  the  state  of  Illinois.  Has  served  one  term 
as  postmaster  at  Dixon,  Illinois,  and  is  the  present  incumbent  of  that  offlee. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  Decatur  convention  February  22.  1856,  that  called  the 
Bloomington  convention,  which  on  May  29,  1856.  nominated  the  first  Republican 
state  ticket  and  a  member  of  the  convention  of  May  29. 


60  Anil- Nebraska  Republican 

"man's  inhumanity  to  man,  which  makes  countless  thousands 
mourn,"  than  the  Republican  party.  Its  efforts  have  been  in 
a  spirit  of  pure  patriotism  and  the  universal  brotherhood  of 
man. 

It  turned  a  despotism,  the  worst  the  world  had  ever  seen, 
into  a  republic;  transformed  slavery  into  freedom.  The  first 
act  of  the  Republican  party  was  that  of  giving  a  farm  and  a 
home  to  every  poor  man  who  would  accept.  It  gave,  through 
protection,  to  American  industry,  the  laborer  of  this  country 
such  wages  as  no  nation  before  gave  to  the  wage-earner.  It  has 
always  acted  the  part  of  the  mighty  philanthropist  toward  all 
the  people.  Republicanism  not  only  extended  into  the  jungle 
of  ignorance  in  our  own  land,  but  it  is  now  penetrating  the 
jungles  of  the  far  east,  and  its  beacon  light  of  civil  and  relig- 
ious liberty  is  blessing  the  Orient;  there  to  enlighten  barbar- 
ism. It  is  through  Republicanism  that  this  nation  has  be- 
come the  guiding  star  of  liberty  everywhere. 

Lovejoy,  Constitutional  Abolitionists  and  the  Republican 
party,  a  host  of  heroes  my  theme,  patriots  who  endured  many 
trials,  a  subject  requiring  volumes,  to  be  condensed  into  a  brief 
essay — my  task  is  not  easy.  A  talk  on  a  mighty  epoch  in  the 
history  of  recent  civilization  condensed  into  a  brief  hour.  A 
brave  and  mighty  host  battling  against  slavery  and  depotism, 
manfully  as  Greek  at  Marathon.  Suffering  as  Christian  mar- 
tyrs suffered.  If  Paul  fought  with  beasts  at  Ephesus,  they 
were  not  more  beastly  cruel  than  the  men  that  the  Lovejoy 
brothers  fought  against  at  Alton  in  our  own  state. 
The  preliminary  skirmish  in  the  fight  for  liberty  in  this 
land  was  begun  by  the  Radical  Abolitionist  long  before 
the  final  battle.  They  were,  it  is  true,  but  a  mere  handful; 
but  they  were  strong  men,  with  brilliant  intellects  and  brave 
hearts,  well  fitted  to  bear  the  jeers  of  ignorant  partisans.  Both 
Ihe  great  parties  of  the  day  were  bitterly  opposed  to  them. 
Many  churches  were  indifferent.  I  heard  the  great  Frederick 
Douglass  state  that  while  in  slavery,  the  burden  of  the  prayers 
he  heard  were  quotations  from  Scripture  that  servants  should 
obey  their  masters. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


61 


BENJAMIN  F.  SHAW. 


62  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

In  this  day  it  sounds  strange  to  say  that  a  lecture  on  slav- 
ery in  a  school  house  or  church  anywhere  in  the  Free  States 
was  liable  to  result  in  mob  violence  against  the  speaker.  Henry 
Wilson  in  his  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power"  is  authority 
for  the  statement  that  Henry  B.  Stanton  in  lecturing  upon  the 
subject  of  Emancipation,  through  the  New  England  and  mid- 
dle states,  though  he  always  spoke  in  patriotic  praise  of  the 
constitution  and  the  Union,  was  mobbed  some  two  hundred 
times,  often  at  the  imminent  peril  of  his  life.  An  advocate  of 
freedom  was  in  the  minds  of  the  people  at  that  time  an  in- 
citer  of  riots. 

The  machinery  of  the  church  in  many  of  their  ramifica- 
tions of  literary  and  benevolent  institutions,  the  preachers 
and  the  press  were  opposed  to  anti-slavery  agitation.  But 
the  skirmish  line,  though  thin,  was  bravely  pushed  on  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  Gerritt  Smith, 
Theodore  Parker  and  a  few  others.  They  were  not  Constitu- 
tional Abolitionists.  They  took  it  for  granted  that  the  political 
leaders  of  the  Calhoun  class  were  right  in  claiming  that  the  con- 
stitution recognized  slavery,  and  so  they  proclaimed  that  the 
much  revered  document  was  '  'an  agreement  with  hell  and  a  cov- 
enant with  the  devil."  They  were,  however,  followed  by  a  class 
known  as  the  Constitutional  Abolitionists ;  equally  bold  and 
brave,  but  more  practical.  It  was  the  labor  of  the  latter  that 
accomplished  glorious  results;  fought  the  good  battle  to  a 
finish  and  destroyed  the  slave  power.  They  were  among  the 
organizers  of  the  Republican  party.  I  recall  the  names  of 
Owen  Lovejoy,  Greeley,  Wade,  Giddings,  Fessenden,  Chase, 
Hale,  Hamlin,  Wilmot,  Thaddeus  Stephen,  John  Wentworth, 
Seward,  Baker,  Bissell,  Sumner,  Washburne,  and  last  but  not 
least,  Lincoln.  They  held  the  constitution  and  the  Union  as 
a  sacred  inheritence.  In  the  minds  of  many  statesmen  of  that 
day,  there  was  something  of  a  struggle  between  hatred  of 
slavery  and  love  for  the  constitution  of  the  Union.  Abhor- 
rence of  human  bondage  was  neutralized  by  patriotic  love  of 
country.  The  political  leaders  of  both  the  great  parties  made 
a  great  ado,  (perhaps  to  excuse  their  objection  to  abolition  agi- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  63 

tation,)  over  the  claim  that  the  constitution  recognized  slav- 
ery. The  Constitutional  Abolitionists,  even  the  rank  and  file 
were  forced  to  become  accomplished  students  of  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  land.  They  denied  the  claim  of  slavery- 
recognition  with  such  confidence,  that  copies  of  the  revered 
document  were  printed  in  condensed  form  to  carry  in  the 
pocket  for  ready  reference;  that  it  might  be  demonstrated  that 
it  did  not  recognize  slavery. 

They  contended  that  under  the  constitution  slaves  could 
not  be  legally  held  in  territory  not  organized  into  states. 

Constitutional  Abolitionists,  Republicans,  if  you  please, 
believed  that  slavery  was  not  recognized  by  the  constitution, 
save  indirectly.  They  urged  that  slavery  was  a  mere  matter 
of  fact  in  the  face  of  the  national  and  state  constitution.  In 
face  of  everything  but  a  tyrannical  public  sentiment  and  a 
diabolical  practice,  they  argued  that  man  cannot  be  prop- 
erty. An  auctioneer  could  not  transmogrify  a  man  with  a  soul 
into  a  chattel.  One  man  has  no  right  to  own  another  man. 
If  one  man  can  be  sold  as  property,  every  man  can,  and  consti- 
tutions made  to  protect  human  liberty  are  annulled  if  they 
fail.  There  is  no  allusion  to  the  right  of  one  man  to  en- 
slave another.  Love  of  country  and  reverence  for  the  consti- 
tution, was  used  to  advantage  by  the  slave  power  and  threats 
of  secession  were  frequent.  Like  a  pall,  fear  of  dissolution  of 
the  Union  hung  over  the  American  people  during  the  many 
years  of  slavery  agitation.  Threats  of  secession  should  the  slave 
power  have  its  way  were  common.  I  remember  one  bright  day 
there  came  sensational  dispatches  from  Washington  announc- 
ing that  the  stability  of  the  Union  of  the  states  was  in  danger. 
There  was  activity  in  the  war  and  navy  department.  Battle- 
ships were  ordered  to  Boston,  and  the  army  and  navy  put  on  a 
war  footing,  troops  were  mustered  around  the  court  house  in 
Boston.  And  what  do  you  imagine  was  the  cause  of  all  this 
fuss.  The  constitution  was  about  to  be  shattered,  the  perpet- 
uity of  the  nation  was  endangered,  because,  to  use  a  phrase  of 
that  day,  a  "nigger  was  loose."  A  man  preferring  liberty  to 
slavery  had  escaped  from  the  south  as  a  stowaway  on  a  schoon- 


64  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

er  and  landed  in  Boston,  where  he  was  duly  arrested.  So  it 
would  appear  that  a  little  carelessness  on  the  part  of  a  slave 
holder,  as  regard  to  his  favorite  chattel,  would  endanger  the 
perpetuity  of  the  Union,  before  Republicans  took  charge  of 
the  nation. 

The  Constitutional  Abolitionists  bravely  waged  the  war, 
against  the  further  extension  of  slavery;  at  the  polls,  and  on 
the  floor  of  congress,  enduring  insults  such  as  had  been  heap- 
ed upon  the  most  radical;  threatened  with  assassination,  a 
learned  senator  beaten  into  insensibility  on  the  floor  of  the 
Senate. 

It  appears  to  have  been  willed  that  the  battle  of  freedom 
should  be  hot,  in  the  fiery  ordeal  the  heat  might  become  suf- 
ficiently intense  to  melt  the  shackles  more  completely  trom  en- 
slaved limbs.  A  word  against  slavery  was  interpreted  as  a 
blow  at  the  constitution,  a  step  towards  disunion ;  that  grand 
prophecy  that  this  government  could  not  remain  half  slave, 
and  half  free,  was  charged  up  against  Lincoln,  as  a  most  rank 
disunion  sentiment.  The  prejudice  against  Abolitionists,  phil- 
osophers tell  us,  resulted  from  a  patriotic  motive,  love  of  coun- 
try— very  properly  classed  in  this  day  as  a  sophistical  para- 
dox,— destruction  of  a  school  house  in  Connecticut  where 
colored  girls  were  taught  to  read;  mobbing  of  a  colored 
asylum,  abolition  persecutions,  result  of  patriotic  motives! 
We  are  told  that  many  great  evils  of  the  world  have  been  com- 
mitted by  ignorant  men  of  good  intentions,  material  used  in 
paving  the  road  to  Hades.  We  have  it  in  the  history  of  relig- 
ious persecutors,  ignorant  of  truth,  the  ardor  of  their  sincerity 
warms  them  into  persecution,  brings  fanaticism  into  deadly 
activity,  the  evil  they  do  is  the  result  of  misdirected  virtue. 
This  may  be  applied  to  the  mass  of  that  day,  but  is  not  an  ex- 
cuse for  the  pro-slavery  leaders  and  politicians.  In  our  own 
state  there  were  many  legislative  struggles,  indicative  of  slave 
power  enmity.  I  remember  that  your  own  city  of  Blooming- 
ton  furnished  a  backer  for  Governor  Yates  in  troublous  times 
here;  he  was  a  man  who  did  not  fear  to  tell  copperheads  who  en- 
deavored to  stop  appropriation  for  supplies  for  our  soldiers, 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


65 


ISAAC  FUNK,  Funk's  Grove,  111. 

Born  November  17,  1797.  Kentucky;  died  January  29,  1865;  stock  raiser,  land 
owner;  State  Senator  1862  to  1865.  See  Good  Old  Times  McLean  County  580  and 
Volume  II,  Transactions  McLean  County  Historical  Society. 


6t)  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

that  they  were  traitors,  and  hurl  back  their  insults  so  defiantly 
that  Lincoln  gave  him  praise.  The  name  of  Isaac  Funk 
should  have  a  place  in  this  history.  An  all-wise  Providence 
has  ways  of  his  own  in  gathering  his  instrumentalities  for  the 
purpose  of  purifying  nations.  Had  the  slave  holder  been 
content  to  let  slavery  remain  where  it  was,  and  not  endeavor 
by  fraud  and  murder  to  extend  it  into  the  territories,  how  dif- 
ferent might  have  been  our  history.  "Whom  the  Gods  would 
destroy,  they  first  make  mad."  I  well  remember  that  it  was 
the  manner  of  forcing  slavery  into  Kansas,  by  intimidation 
and  fraud,  that  caused  universal  indignation  of  fair-minded 
men,  quite  as  much  so,  as  any  anti-slavery  sentiment  that  then 
existed.  There  was  a  notion  among  the  people  that  the  bal- 
lot box  in  its  purity  was  the  palladium  of  our  liberty.  The 
Missouri  Compromise,  an  agreement  between  the  slave  and 
Free  States,  that  slavery  should  not  go  into  the  territories 
north  of  a  certain  line,  36  degrees,  30  minutes,  was  repealed 
by  congress.  Senator  Douglas,  of  our  state,  introduced  the 
measure,  and  it  was  passed  in  May,  1854.  By  him  it  was  cun- 
ningly worded.  The  law  which  had  been  revered  a  quarter  of  a 
century  as  an  agreement  settling  a  controversy  between  the 
states  was,  in  the  repealing  act,  declared  inoperative,  because  "in- 
consistent with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  with  slavery," 
and  '  'did  not  permit  people  to  regulate  their  own  domestic  insti- 
tution." This  act  of  repeal  alarmed  the  nation.  A  sacred 
trust  had  been  broken.  Douglas  defended  the  repeal, 
claiming  that  it  was  in  the  interest  of  self-government,  and 
called  it  "Squatter  Sovereignty."  "The  people  could  decide 
whether  or  not  they  would  have  slavery."  It  was  soon  dem- 
onstrated that  this  was  a  trick.  The  people  were  not  permitted 
to  decide  the  question,  if  a  Democratic  party  then  in  power 
could  prevent  it.  It  was  soon  apparent  that  the  full  power 
of  the  government  was  to  be  used  to  force  the  people  of  Kan- 
sas to  adopt  a  slave  constitution  against  their  will.  The  hypo- 
critical cant  about  the  consent  of  the  governed  was  not  then 
in  use  by  Democratic  statesmen.  Emigrant  Aid  Societies 
were  organized  to  assist  in  settling  Kansas  with  freedom  lov- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  67 

ing  settlers.     They  went  from  New  England  and  other  north- 
ern states. 

"They  crossed  the  Prairie  as  of  old 
The  Pilgrims  crossed  the  Sea, 
To  make  the  West  as  they  the  East, 
The  homestead  of  the  free." 

I  will  not  detain  you  with  a  repetition  of  that  disgraceful 
history.  How  the  president  with  the  army,  militia  from  slave 
states  under  pay  of  the  government,  swarms  of  border  ruf- 
fians overrunning  that  territory  for  the  sole  purpose  of  driv- 
ing legal  voters  from  the  polls,  failed  in  the  effort  to  force 
slavery  upon  an  unwilling  people.  Homicide,  underpay,  and 
murder  by  order  from  the  White  House  at  Washington; 
brutality  and  hatred  dressed  in  regimentals,  malignity  in 
epaulets;  bloody  mania  in  support  of  human  bondage.  It 
is  strange  that  there  were  so  few  John  Browns.  A  pro- 
slavery  Democratic  legislature  made  up  of  people  who  went 
there  not  as  settlers,  but  to  make  it  a  slave  state,  passed  laws 
making  the  simple  speaking  to  a  slave  a  death  penalty.  Two 
score  of  laws  enforcing  the  death  penalty  for  using  words  and 
acts  in  opposition  to  slavery. 

That  was  the  reason  a  couple  dozen  editors  gathered  at 
Decatur  and  called  the  Bloomington  convention  which  we  to- 
day celebrate.  Patriots  everywhere  were  alarmed  for  the 
liberty  of  the  whites  as  well  as  the  blacks.  In  the  first  Re- 
publican convention  of  a  national  character,  Owen  Love  joy 
in  an  eloquent  prayer  did  not  ask  an  all-wise  Providence  to 
abolish  slavery,  but  he  made  an  eloquent  and  earnest  plea  for 
better  politics  in  the  party  then  in  power.  He  hoped  for  fair 
election  in  Kansas.  Being  a  minister  of  the  gospel  Mr.  Love- 
joy  had  some  sort  of  an  idea  that  perhaps  the  Almighty  might 
have  some  sort  of  an  influence  with  the  people  at  the  coming 
election  if  not  with  a  Democratic  president  and  so  he  prayed, 
to  use  the  exact  words,  that  the  "Present  wicked  administration 
might  be  removed  from  power  and  its  unholy  design  on  the 
liberties  of  the  people  thwarted." 


68  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

On  the  day  that  Owen  Lovejoy  uttered  that  patriotic 
prayer  in  Pittsburg,  the  editors  of  Illinois  met  at  Decatur. 
Though  my  friend,  Mr.  Selby,  tells  you  of  that  meeting,  and 
General  Palmer  will  well  cover  the  subject,  may  I  not  digress 
to  recall  a  few  incidents.  I  was  one  of  the  committee  on  reso- 
lutions, and  had  the  good  fortune  of  being  in  consultation 
with  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  forming  the  first  Republican  plat- 
form in  Illinois.  At  the  banquet  in  the  evening  given  by 
the  citizens  of  Decatur,  I  was  informed  that  I  would  be  called 
upon  for  a  toast,  and  so  prepared  one  which  was  so  compli- 
mentary of  Mr.  Lincoln  that  when  I  saw  that  he  was  present, 
I  did  not  have  the  cheek  to  give  voice  to  my  admiration,  and 
changed  my  toast  and  spoke  something  about  placing  free  bal- 
lot boxes  in  the  hands  of  freemen  and  meeting  despots  with 
cartridge  boxes.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  a  happy  mood.  I  re- 
member that  apologetically,  for  being  at  a  convention  of  edi- 
tors, he  called  attention  to  what  I  have  always  imagined  a 
personal  reminiscence.  He  stated  that  he  believed  he  was  a 
sort  of  interloper  there  and  was  reminded  of  the  incident  of  a 
man  not  possessed  of  features  the  ladies  would  call  hand- 
some, while  riding  on  horseback  through  the  woods  met  an 
equestrienne.  He  reined  his  horse  to  one  side  of  the  bridle  path 
and  stopped,  waiting  for  the  woman  to  pass.  She  also  check- 
ed her  horse  to  a  stop  and  looked  him  over  in  a  curious  sort  of  a 
way,  finally  broke  out  with, 

'  'Well,  for  land  sake,  you  are  the  homeliest  man  I  ever  saw. " 

"Yes,  madam,  but  I  can't  help  it." 

"No,  I  suppose  not,"  she  said,  "but  you  might  stay  at 
home." 

Lincoln  urged  that  he  felt  as  though  he  might  have  stayed 
at  home  on  that  occasion. 

In  the  line  of  thought  regarding  Constitutional  Abolition- 
ists, I  recall  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  his  residence  at 
Springfield,  that  has  not  heretofore  been  made  public.  It  oc- 
curred a  few  weeks  before  his  departure  for  Washington 
to  deliver  his  inaugural  address,  and  take  his  seat  as 
president.  I,  with  several  Dixon  citizens,  among  them 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  69 

Col.  John  Dement,  a  leading  Democrat  in  the  state,  who  had 
enjoyed  an  acquaintance  with  the  president-elect  in  early  days, 
and  was  a  comrade  in  the  Black  Hawk  War,  called  to  pay  our 
respects.  When  we  arrived  we  were  ushered  into  the  parlor 
where  we  found  several  gentlemen  from  Arkansas,  and,  I  be- 
lieve from  other  border  states,  as  they  were  then  called,  who 
had  come  as  a  sort  of  a  committee  to  urge  upon  the  president- 
elect to  issue  some  sort  of  a  manifesto  assuring  the  people  of 
the  south  that  it  was  not  his  intention  to  liberate  the  slaves. 
The  committee  was  very  urgent  in  the  matter  and  seemed  to 
believe  that  such  a  precaution  was  necessary  to  prevent  insur- 
rection among  the  slaves,  who  were  impatient  regarding  their 
anticipated  freedom.  It  was  urged  by  the  gentlemen  from  the 
south  that  the  slaves  believed  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  meant 
their  freedom.  They  had  been  told  that  they  would  be  liber- 
ated. They  heard  the  people  of  the  south  talk  about  it  and 
were  discontented.  The  committee  understood  very  well  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  intend  to  abolish  slavery.  But  the  ne- 
groes and  the  ignorant  whites  of  the  south  did  not  so  under- 
stand it.  The  gentlemen  believed  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
president-elect  to  at  once  undeceive  them.  Several  members 
of  that  committee  of  safety  earnestly  urged  the  importance  of 
some  assurance  from  Lincoln  to  colored  men  and  ignorant 
people  of  the  south,  that  an  Emancipation  Proclamation 
would  not  be  among  his  first  official  acts.  He  listened  respect- 
fully, and  after  the  importance  of  a  proclamation  was  fully 
urged,  he  made  a  reply  that  was  so  masterful  in  logic;  so 
touching  in  kindness  and  yet  so  full  of  marvelous  sarcasm 
coupled  with  witticism  showing  the  absurdity  of  the  proposition 
of  the  committee,  that  I  shall  never  forget  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  open- 
ed in  answer  by  stating  that  such  a  manifesto  would  indicate  fear 
on  his  part  and  would  be,  by  most  of  the  citizens  of  the  south,  at- 
tributed to  cowardice,  a  charge  freely  made  against  the  people 
of  the  north  generally.  He  believed  that  his  inaugural  address 
which  would  in  a  few  days  be  delivered  from  the  steps  of  the 
national  capital,  would  be  in  ample  time  to  undeceive  people 
having  erroneous  opinions  upon  the  matters  which  troubled 


70  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

them.  To  anticipate  his  inaugural  address,  as  requested,  would 
be  unwise  and  lacking  in  dignity.  He  closed  his  remarks  with 
much  earnestness  and  no  little  emphasis ;  the  words  I  remember 
quite  well :  "In  all  my  speeches,"  he  said,  "I  have  never  uttered 
a  word  indicating  intention  to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it- 
exists  in  states;  Republican  speakers  and  newspapers  not  only 
never  advocated  abolition  of  slavery,  but  are  constantly  refut- 
ing the  charge  that  they  are  radical  Abolitionists.  Such  utter- 
ance has  been  one  of  the  principal  contentions  of  the  campaign 
just  closed.  So  you  see,  gentlemen,  if  the  colored  people  of 
the  south  have  heard  that  I  intended  to  abolish  slavery,  they 
received  the  idea  from  the  lips  of  your  own  people;  from  their 
masters  at  the  dinner  table,  or  heard  it  at  your  own  political 
meetings,  and  not  from  any  Republican  source;  therefore  it  is 
your  duty  to  rectify  the  mistake.  It  is  certainly  not  encum- 
bent  upon  me  to  correct  at  this  time  the  falsehoods  of  our  op- 
ponents." 

As  the  people  of  the  south  were  then  threatening  to  de- 
stroy the  government  and  Civil  War  was  inevitable,  he  re- 
marked that  the  committee  reminded  him  of  the  disadvan- 
tageous excitement  of  the  man  whose  house  was  on  on  fire, 
who,  in  his  efforts  to  save  property,  threw  mirrors,  pitchers 
and  valuable  vases  out  of  the  second  story  window,  and  carried 
flat-irons  and  bedding  carefully  down  stairs  in  his  arms. 

The  committee  retired  with  the  firm  impression  that  Lin- 
coln had  a  mind  of  his  own,  as  one  of  them  was  heard  to  re- 
mark. After  they  had  departed,  a  man  from  central  Illinois 
placed  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  hands  application  papers*for  a  post- 
office  and  remarked  that  the  boys  were  ready  to  fight  for  him. 
Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to  Colonel  Dement,  again  shook  him  by 
both  hands  cordially,  and  remarked  that  he  did  not  enjoy  the 
talk  about  fighting  for  him.  He  was  in  the  mood  of  Robert 
Burns  when  he  wrote 

"The  deities  I  adore 

Are  social  peace  and  plenty, 
I'm  better  pleased  to  add  one  more 

Than  be  the  death  of  twenty." 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  71 

Meeting  Mr.  Lincoln  the  next  day  at  the  hotel  I  requested 
permission  to  print  that  interview  at  his  private  residence  in 
my  paper,  he  replied,  "I'd  a  heap  rather  you  had  done  it  with- 
out asking  me."  This  was  a  characteristic  precaution  in  Lin- 
coln that  his  endorsement  should  not  even  by  inference  appear 
to  such  an  absurdity  as  the  interview  on  the  issuing  of  the 
manifesto.  So  I  never  printed  it. 

Owen  Love  joy  firmly  believed  that  the  constitution  was 
intended  to  protect  human  liberty  and  if  rightly  interpreted 
would  do  away  with  slavery.  He  did  not  even  favor  an 
amendment  in  that  behalf,  deeming  it  not  necessary.  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  Mr.  Lovejoy  a  number  of  times.  I 
heard  him  deliver  a  speech  at  Amboy,  Lee  county,  during  a 
presidential  campaign,  when  he  was  assisting  to  elect  the 
Republican  ticket.  In  that  speech  he  urged  the  radical  Aboli- 
tionists to  support  Lincoln,  they  generally  having  refused  to 
do  so,  for  the  reason  that  the  Republicans  did  not  propose  any 
action  leading  to  the  abolition  of  slavery.  He  told  them  the 
Republican  party  was  going  their  way.  To  illustrate  that 
idea  he  said  that  if  he  were  walking  on  the  road  to  Chicago, 
and  a  man  passing  in  a  wagon  should  ask  him  to  ride,  it  would 
not  be  good  sense  for  him  to  refuse  because  the  man  was  go- 
ing only  a  few  miles  on  his  route.  He  would  not  refuse  to 
ride  with  the  man  because  he  was  not  going  through  to  Chi- 
cago. No,  he  would  climb  in  and  ride  as  far  as  he  went  his 
way.  So  long  as  the  Republicans  are  on  their  road  he  would 
advise  radical  Abolitionists  to  get  in  and  ride  with  them,  in- 
asmuch as  they  were  both  going  in  the  same  direction. 

I  again  met  Mr.  Lovejoy  on  a  train  enroute  for  Freeport, 
the  day  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas'  joint  debate  there.  He  was 
not  in  a  pleasant  humor.  At  Ottawa  a  few  days  before 
Douglas  with  a  sneer  had  classed  Lincoln  as  a  Love- 
joy  Abolitionist  in  a  manner  intimating  that  the  latter 
was  of  the  radical  class,  thus  misrepresenting  the  gentle- 
men from  Princeton,  much  to  his  dislike.  Remembering  the 
temper  he  was  in,  after  arriving  at  Freeport,  when  the  debate 
was  over,  in  the  evening  I  suggested  to  a  number  of  friends 


72  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

* 

that  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  in  a  humor  to  make  a  speech,  and  we 
would  call  him  out.  A  dry  goods  box  was  improvised  as  a 
platform  in  front  of  the  Brewster  House  and  he  readily  re- 
sponded to  the  call.  I  shall  never  forget  that  speech  and  mag- 
nificent appearance  of  the  speaker ;  a  man  of  splendid  physique, 
Websterian  mold  of  countenance,  all  aglow  with  flame  of  in- 
tellectual genius,  interested  deeply  in  the  cause  of  humanity. 
Douglas  had  put  the  question  to  Lincoln,  "Would  he,  if  an 
officer  of  the  law,  return  a  fugitive  slave  to  his  master?" 
Lovejoy  answered  the  interrogatory  in  scathing  phillipics 
against  Douglas  and  all  others  who  had  voted  for  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law.  Taking  the  pythagorean  idea  of  transmigration, 
he  had  the  soul  of  Douglas  turned  into  a  savage  bloodhound 
on  the  track  of  a  slave  escaping  from  bondage.  A  man  in- 
nocent of  crime,  only  a  polar  star  as  a  guide  to  a  freedom 
justly  his,  the  man-greyhound  in  hot  pursuit,  lapping  the  mire 
by  the  wayside  to  quench  his  hellish  thirst  for  blood.  The 
cubless  tigress  raging  in  the  jungle  for  her  slaughtered  off- 
spring is  touching  sympathy  compared  with  the  man  who 
would  hunt  down  an  innocent  being  that  he  might  enslave. 

A  gem  was  lost  when  that  speech  was  not  reported  and 
published.  Douglas  was  a  great  leader-,  at  one  time  beloved 
by  the  entire  Democratic  party.  He  lacked  only  one  vote 
and  a  half  of  becoming  president.  His  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  proved  his  downfall.  It  caused  great  in- 
dignation in  the  north,  and  when  he  saw  a  Democratic  presi- 
dent, a  man  of  his  own  party,  use  all  the  influence  and  power 
of  government  in  forcing  slavery  upon  the  unwilling  people 
of  Kansas  where  he  had  promised  that  people  should  be  "free 
to  vote  slavery  up  or  clown,"  he  was  appalled  at  the  diabolical 
enormities  committed  in  the  name  of  Democracy.  He  rebelled 
against  the  administration  and  then  the  southern  leaders,  here- 
tofore friendly,  whom  he  had  always  befriended,  turned 
against  him.  Abolitionists  had  not  endured  more  bitter  insult 
than  were  heaped  upon  the  senator  from  Illinois  by  southern- 
ers whose  cause  he  had  so  favored.  Hosts  of  friends  in  the 
north  had  ignominiously  deserted  him  for  the  political  acts 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  73 

he  had  performed  for  the  south.  It  was  a  monstrous  ingrati- 
tude by  the  southern  leaders.  In  Douglas  it  was  a  "grievous 
fault  and  grievously  hath  he  answered  it."  His  terrible  plight 
is  described  by  the  poet  Byron  : 

"As  the  struck  eagle,  stretched  upon  the  plain, 
No  more  through  rolling  clouds  to  soar  again, 
Viewed  his  own  feather  on  the  fatal  dart, 
And  winged  the  shaft  that  quivered  in  his  heart, 
Keen  were  his  pangs,  but  keener  far  to  feel 
He  nursed  the  pinion  that  impelled  the  steel 
While  the  same  plumage  that  had  warmed  his  nest, 
Drank  the  last  life-blood  of  his  bleeding  breast." 
In  a  talk  of  Republicanism,  in  Illinois,  we  must  needs 
speak  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  its  greatest  opponent  until  the 
close  of  his  life,  when  he  became  its  warm  supporter;  an  ac- 
complished orator,  \vonderful  debater,  beloved  at  one  time  by 
millions  of  his  countrymen.      Small  in  stature  and  mighty  in 
intellect,  he  was  known  as  the  "Little  Giant."     But  alas,  his- 
tory classes  him  in  the  vast  list  where 

"Vaulting  ambition  o'er  leaps  itself." 

My  friend,  John  H.  Bryant,  of  Princeton,  who  was  to 
speak  today  on  the  subject  assigned  me,  but  declined  on  ac- 
count of  ill  health,  in  June,  1856,  closed  a  letter  to  his  brother, 
the  great  poet,  in  regard  to  the  Bloomington  convention,  and 
especially  politics  in  Illinois,  with  assurance  that  "She  is  solid 
for  Freedom  and  the  Constitution,  for  Republicanism  and 
Right." 

The  words  "Freedom  and  the  Constitution"  fully  ex- 
press the  position  of  the  Constitutional  Abolitionists  and 
Republicans  of  that  day. 


74  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 


A  Few  Words  for  the  Bloomington  Commemoration  Meeting, 
BY  GEN.  JAMES  M.  RUGGLES. 

It  matters  little  that  forty-four  years  ago,  previous  to  the 
time  of  the  Bloomington  convention,  my  name  was  the  only 
one  prominent  as  the  running  mate  of  Governor  Bissell  for 
lieutenant  governor,  that  I  was  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of 
that  convention — or  that  in  February  previously  at  a  meeting 
at  the  capital  of  Whigs  and  Free  Soil  Democrats  who  were 
ready  for  the  organization  of  a  party  more  fully  representing 
the  tide  of  advanced  political  principles,  I  was  one  of  the  com- 
mittee associated  with  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ebenezer  Peck, 
and  prepared  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  meeting  wrhich  led 
to  the  convention  held  on  the  29th  of  May,  1856. 

It  matters  much,  however,  that  the  convention  was  held 
and  that  a  portion  of  the  leading  men  of  both  parties  came  to- 
gether and  took  their  places  beside  Abraham  Lincoln  on  a  plat- 
form of  expansion  of  free  territory,  enlarged  human  rights  and 
human  liberty,  and  expanded  patriotism,  on  which  basis  every 
man  nominated  was  elected  and  placed  in  office. 

The  time  was  auspicious.  We  were  then  under  the  last 
of  the  old  time  Democratic  governors  in  Illinois  who  had  ap- 
propriated to  his  own  use  about  a  quarter  of  a  million  dollars 
in  state  bonds  and  left  the  state  a  ruined  man  and  a  political 
party  badly  smirched.  Since  then  we  have  had  but  one  Dem- 
ocratic governor  and  he  has  made  all  other  governors  quite 
respectable — comparatively ! 

The  nation  was  also  in  a  turmoil  over  the  slavery  question. 
Lincoln  had  not  yet  announced  the  problem  that  "the  nation 
could  not  long  endure  half  slave  and  half  free" — but  the  events 
then  transpiring  justified  the  assertion.  Kansas  was  the  the- 
atre of  operations  of  the  Missouri  Jay-hawkers,  who  without 
restraintof  the  administration  were  madly  rushing  on  to  the  de- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


wq 
enB1 

•  v 


76  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

struction  of  the  government  of  the  establishment  of  slavery  up- 
on the  virgin  soil  of  the  territory.  They  had  captured  and  im- 
prisoned the  governor  of  the  territory  to  make  place  for  one 
in  full  sympathy  with  themselves.  The  governor's  wife,  a 
most  beautiful  and  interesting  lady,  had  fled  for  life  to  Illinois 
for  protection  and  was  on  the  train  that  carried  the  delegates 
from  Springfield  to  Bloomington — her  presence  creating  the 
profoundest  sympathy  and  the  wildest  enthusiasm. 

Not  all  the  Whigs  and  a  lesser  portion  of  the  Democrats 
joined  in  the  movement.  It  was  too  radical  for  many  who 
had  been  leaders  in  the  old  political  parties,  and  too  conserva- 
tive for  the  radical  Abolitionist,  but  occupied  safe  ground  upon 
which  to  found  a  great  political  party  which  has  for  forty 
years  ruled  the  destines  of  the  nation — vastly  expanding  it  in 
population,  education,  wealth  and  territory,  until  at  the  present 
time  when  it  occupies  the  proud  place  of  the  most  enlightened 
and  powerful  nation  on  the  globe. 

The  nominees  at  that  convention,  after  faithfully  serving 
the  people  in  the  places  assigned  them,  have  long  since  laid 
down  their  well  spent  lives — leaving  us  to  cherish  their  mem- 
ories and  emulate  their  official  example.  Of  all  the  great  and 
good  men  that  took  part  in  that  Bloomington  meeting  but  few 
are  left.  Lincoln  led  the  convention  and  was  the  first  to  lay 
down  his  life  for  the  cause  inaugurated  there.  Yates,  Love- 
joy,  Browning,  Washburn,  Archibald  Williams,  Judd,  Went- 
worth,  and  a  host  of  others  have  followed  him  to  the  grave. 
Palmer,  the  honored  president  of  that  convention,  I  am  glad 
to  know,  still  lives. 

The  nominees  of  the  convention  were; 

Wm.  H.  Bissell,  for  governor. 

O.  M.  Hatch,  for  secretary  of  state. 

Jesse  K.  Dubois,  for  auditor  of  public  accounts. 

James  Miller,  for  state  treasurer. 

\Vm.  H.  Powell,  for  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 


Convention,    May  29,  1856. 


77 


OZIAS  M.  HATCH 

Born  in  New  Hampshire  April  11,1814;  died  March  13.1893.  merchant,  banker: 
Secretary  of  State  1857  to  1865.  See  Biographical  Dictionary  and  Portrait  Gallery 
Illinois  Volume  1896,  page  140. 


78  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 


Remarks 


Made  at  Bloomlngton,  Illinois,  May  29,  1900,  at  a  Celebration  of  the 

Forty-fourth  Anniversary  of  the  Bloomington  Convention 

held  on  May  29,  1856,  at  which  the  Republican 

Party  in  Illinois  was  Organized. 

BY  GEN.  THOMAS  J.  HENDERSON,  OF   PRINCETON,  ILL. 

-Mr.  President  and  Members  of  the  McLean  County  His- 
torical Society.,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  When  invited  to  be 
present  at  this  anniversary  meeting,  or  celebration,  the  sec- 
retary of  your  society,  kindly  requested  me  to  make  some  re- 
marks on  the  campaign  of  1856.  But  I  declined  to  do  so,  for 
several  reasons.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  not  certain  that 
1  could  be  present  at  the  meeting,  and  even  if  I  could  be,  my 
time  was  so  occupied  that  I  was  not  able  to  prepare  any  suit- 
able remarks  for  an  occasion  of  so  much  interest  as  this.  And 
I  felt  that  without  preparation,  any  speech  I  might  attempt  to 
make  would  be  rambling  and  of  but  little  interest  to  those  who 
might  hear  it. 

The  convention  of  May  29,  1856,  the  forty- fourth  anni- 
versary of  which  we  today  celebrate,  marked  an  era  in  the 
political  history  of  Illinois,  and  I  may  say,  of  the  entire  country. 
And  on  such  an  occasion  so  many  memories  come  crowding 
upon  us  that  it  is  difficult  to  control  our  thoughts  and  emotions, 
and  io  pursue  any  connected  line  of  thought  or  speech.  As 
we  think  of  the  many  able,  eloquent,  earnest,  patriotic  men, 
who  were  present  and  members  of  that  convention,  and  who 
participated  in  its  proceedings,  and  of  how  many  of  them  have 
since  passed  away,  after  having  rendered  distinguished  services 
to  the  country,  and  what  a  small  number  still  survive,  we  are 
almost  overwhelmed.  And  so,  my  friends,  in  attempting  to 
speak  to  you  today,  without  preparation  and  with  such  a  con- 
Gen.  Thomas  J.  Henderson  was  born  at  Brownsville,  Tenn.,  November  19,  1824. 
Came  to  Illinois  in  1837.  Admitted  to  the  bar  1856.  In  18i5-56  member  of  Illinois 
House  of  Representatives  and  State  Secretary  1856  to  1860.  Delegate  to  the  Ma- 
jor's Hall  convention  May  29,  1856.  In  1862  Col.  112  111.  Vols.  1865  Brev.  Brig.  Gen. 
Republican'presidential  elector  1868.  Representative  in  Congress,  1874  to  1895.  Is 
president  of  the  board  of  management  of  the  National  Soldiers'  Home. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


GEN.  THOMAS  J.  HENDERSON. 


80  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

fusion  of  memories,  I  fear  my  remarks  will  be  of  but  little  in- 
terest. But  I  am  glad  to  be  here  to  meet  all  who  are  present, 
and  especially  to  meet  the  old  friends,  survivors  of  the  con- 
vention of  May  29,  1856. 

The  convention  held  at  Major's  Hall,  in  this  city,  in  1856, 
was  a  great  convention — one  of  the  most  important  and  far- 
reaching  in  its  influence  and  in  its  results,  that  was  ever  held 
in  the  state  of  Illinois,  in  my  judgment.  It  had  a  deeper  and 
stronger  influence  upon  the  political  action  of  the  people  of  the 
state,  than  any  other  convention  ever  held  in  the  state.  It 
fairly  revolutionized  the  old  political  parties  of  the  state. 

I  have  ahvays  been  proud  of  the  fact  that  I  was  a  member 
of  that  convention  and  participated  in  its  proceedings.  I  was 
a  delegate  from  Stark  county  and  a  member  of  the  committee 
on  resolutions.  Orville  H.  Browning,  of  Quincy,  a  native 
of  Kentucky,  who  had  been  a  prominent  Whig  of  the  state, 
was,  as  I  remember,  chairman  of  the  committee,  which  pre- 
pared the  resolutions,  or  platform,  adopted  by  the  convention,, 
and  he  made,  on  or  after  the  presentation  of  the  resolutions, 
an  able  and  eloquent  speech.  There  were  present  at  the  con- 
vention, either  as  members,  or  interested  spectators,  many  of 
the  able  and  distinguished  men  of  the  state,  from  all  parts  of 
the  state.  Men  who  had  been  leading,  prominent  members 
of  the  old  political  parties : — Abraham  Lincoln,  Archibald 
Williams,  Orville  H.  Browning,  Richard  Yates,  Richard  J. 
Oglesby,  and  many  other  old  WThigs — were  there.  And 
among  the  many  old  Democrats  and  Abolitionists  were  John 
M.  Palmer,  John  F.  Farnsworth,  Norman  B.  Judd,  John 
Wentworth,  and  Owen  Lovejoy.  All  of  them,  including  the 
Whigs  named,  were  strong,  able,  earnest  men,  and  deeply  in- 
terested in  the  work  of  the  convention.  They  were  prominent 
then  in  the  politics  of  the  state,  and  some  of  them  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  country,  and  most  of  them  afterwards  distinguished 
themselves  as  soldiers  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  and  in  civil 
life. 

John  M.  Palmer,  whom  I  am  glad  to  see  here  today  and 
am  always  glad  to  see,  was  the  president  of  the  convention; 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  81 

and  he  not  only  distinguished  himself  in  the  campaign  which 
followed  the  convention,  as  an  able  speaker  and  advocate  of 
freedom  and  free  territory,  but  he  has  served  the  country 
with  great  ability  and  distinction  since,  in  both  military  and 
civil  life,  as  a  general,  governor,  and  United  States  senator. 
He,  also,  made  a  strong  and  powerful  speech  at  the  conven- 
tion in  1856. 

But  the  great  speech  of  that  convention  was  the  speech 
made  by  Abraham  Lincoln.  His  speech  was  of  such  wonderful 
eloquence  and  power  that  it  fairly  electrified  the  members  of 
the  convention  and  everybody  who  heard  it.  It  was  a  great 
speech  in  what  he  said ,  in  the  burning  eloquence  of  his  words, 
and  in  the  manner  in  which  he  delivered  it.  If  ever  a  speech 
was  inspired  in  this  world,  it  has  always  seemed  to  me,  that 
that  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  was.  It  aroused  the  convention, 
and  all  who  heard  it,  and  sympathized  with  the  speaker,  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm.  I  have  never  heard  any  other 
speech  that  had  such  great  power  and  influence  over  those  to 
whom  it  was  addressed.  I  have  always  believed  it  to  have 
been  the  greatest  speech  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  made,  and  the  great- 
est speech  to  which  I  ever  listened.  I  can  never  forget  that 
speech,  and  especially  that  part  of  it  where,  after  repelling  with 
great  power  and  earnestness  the  charge  of  disunion  made 
against  the  Anti-Nebraska  party,  he  stood  as  if  on  tip-toe,  his 
tall  form  erect,  his  long  arms  extended,  his  face  fairly  radiant 
with  the  flush  of  excitement,  and,  as  if  addressing  those  pre- 
ferring the  charge  of  disunionism,  he  slowly,  but  earnestly 
and  impressively,  said : 

"We  do  not  intend  to  dissolve  the  Union,  nor  do  we  in- 
tend to  let  you  dissolve  it." 

As  he  uttered  these  memorable  and,  I  may  say,  prophetic 
words,  the  members  of  the  convention  and  everybody  pres- 
ent rose  as  one  man  to  their  feet,  and  there  was  a  universal 
bursUof  applause,  repeated  over  and  over  again,  so  that  it  was 
some  moments  before  Mr.  Lincoln  could  proceed  with  his 
speech. 

John  Cockle,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  brother  of  Wash- 
ington Cockle,  a  prominent  citizen  of  Peoria,  and  a  life-long 


82  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Democrat,  sat  by  my  side  during  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech;  and 
was  profoundly  impressed  by  his  wonderful  eloquence.  He 
said  to  me  he  was  greatly  surprised  to  find  that  Illinois  had 
such  a  man  as  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  that  they  knew  nothing 
about  him  in  New  York;  that  he  had  lived  in  New  York  all 
his  life  and  had  heard  most  of  the  great  men  of  the  country 
speak  at  one  time  or  another  in  that  city;  that  he  had  heard 
Henry  Clay,  Daniel  Webster,  John  C.  Calhoun,  Martin  Van 
Buren,  Levi  Woodbury,  Silas  Wright,  and  others.  But,  he 
said,  he  had  never  before  heard  from  any  one  so  great  a  speech 
as  the  one  just  delivered  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  speech  con- 
verted him,  and  he  became,  as  I  was  informed  afterwards,  a 
good  Republican. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  speech  was  delivered  without  manuscript, 
and  I  think,  without  notes ;  and  no  report  of  it  was  made.  Nor 
has  it  ever  been  published  until  within  a  few  years  when  a  re- 
port of  it  written,  as  it  is  said,  from  notes  taken  at  the  time, 
was  published  as  the  "Lost  Speech."  And  I  am  forced  to  say 
that  I  rather  regret  the  publication,  for  I  do  not  think  it  does 
justice  to  the  speech  that  Mr.  Lincoln  delivered.  In  fact,  I 
am  strongly  impressed  with  the  belief,  that  no  report  could 
have  been  made  and  published  then  or  since,  especially  after 
the  lapse  of  so  many  years,  which  would  give  a  just  conception 
of  the  great  power  and  magnetic  effect  of  that  memorable 
speech. 

That  speech,  and  the  great  debates  between  him  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  1858,  made  Mr.  Lincoln  president  of 
the  United  States,  and  forever  lost  to  Mr.  Douglas  the  hope  of 
the  presidency,  which  was  without  doubt  the  highest  ambition 
of  his  life. 

But  what  can  I  say  as  to  the  campaign  of  1856?  I  have 
said  the  convention  of  1856  was  a  memorable  one,  and  so  the 
campaign  that  followed  it  was  equally  memorable.  The  cam- 
paign was  made  by  only  two  parties — the  Democratic  or  Ne- 
braska party,  struggling  to  maintain  its  supremacy,  and  the 
Anti-Nebraska  or  Republican  party,  battling  to  resist  the  en- 
croachments of  the  slave-power,  to  which  the  Democratic 


Convention,  May  29,  1856,  83 

party,  through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Douglas  and  other  leading 
Democrats,  had  yielded  and  seemingly  given  themselves  up. 
The  bad  faith  shown  in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
and  the  opening  of  the  way  for  human  slavery  to  go  into  terri- 
tory from  which,  by  solemn  compact,  it  had  been  forever  ex- 
cluded, had  excited  an  intense  feeling  in  the  minds  of  liberty- 
loving  Democrats,  as  well  as  Whigs  and  Abolitionists,  in  Illi- 
nois, that  the  further  aggressions  of  the  slave-power  must 
cease  or  our  freedom  and  free  institutions  would  be  over- 
thrown. Hence  the  campaign  of  1856  was  a  campaign  of 
conscience,  of  deep  conviction,  of  earnest  purpose.  It  was 
the  first  political  campaign  in  which  I  ever  participated,  ac- 
tively as  a  speaker.  I  had  made  a  few  speeches  in  the  campaign 
of  1852 — the  last  campaign  in  which  the  Whigs  had  a  candi- 
date for  the  presidency,  advocating  the  election  of  Gen.  Win- 
field  Scott  and  opposing  that  of  Franklin  Pierce.  But  in  the 
campaign  of  1856,  I  made  nearly  a  hundred  speeches.  The 
Anti-Nebraska  or  Republican  party,  inspired  by  the  action  of  the 
great  convention  and  the  great  speeches  made  in  it,  at  Bloom- 
ington,  forty-four  years  ago  today,  started  out  to  win,  and 
immense  meetings,  addressed  by  Lincoln,  Palmer,  Trumbull, 
Farnsworth,  Yates,  Browning,  Williams,  Judd,  Knox,  Love- 
joy,  Codding,  and  other  able  and  distinguished  speakers,  were 
held  all  over  the  state.  I  can  remember  as  if  it  was  but  yester- 
day, how  we  spoke  and  sang  at  those  great  meetings  for  victory. 
Do  you  not  remember,  all  of  you  who  are  old  enough,  the  rally- 
mg-cry  for  "Free  Soil;  Free  Speech;  Free  Press ;  Fremont  and 
Victory?"  And  while  we  lost  our  presidential  ticket  in  the 
state  and  nation,  we  elected  the  gallant  Bissell,  governor,  and 
the  whole  state  ticket,  nominated  in  Major's  Hall  in  this  city, 
by  a  majority,  which  surprised  and  overwhelmed  the  Demo- 
crats of  the  state.  And  so  earnest,  energetic,  and  effective 
was  the  work  done  in  the  campaign  of  1856,  that  we  have 
never  elected  by  one  Democratic  governor  in  the  state  since — 
and  that  was  a  great  mistake. 

The  question  is  of  ten  asked,  "Was  Abraham  Lincoln,  at  that 
early  date,  regarded  as  a  great  man  and  a  great  leader?"  I  an- 


84  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

swer  that  he  was;  at  least  by  those  who  knew  him  well.  It  was 
my  good  fortune  to  have  known  Mr.  Lincoln  from  my  boyhood. 
The  first  time  I  ever  saw  him  was  when  I  was  1 5  years  of  age. 
It  was  at  an  immense  Whig  convention,  held  at  Springfield 
in  June,  1840,  in  the  Harrison  and  Van  Buren  campaign.  This 
was  said,  at  the  time,  to  have  been  the  largest  convention  ever 
held  in  the  state.  The  Whigs  came  in  large  delegations  from 
all  parts  of  the  state.  They  came  with  music  and  banners,  in 
wagons  and  in  carriages,  on  horseback  and  on  foot.  Log 
cabins,  with  coon-skins  and  hard  cider,  were  drawn  by  oxen 
from  distant  parts  of  the  state,  and  prominent  Whigs  were 
there  from  almost  every  country.  My  father  as  a  Whig,  a 
native  of  Kentucky,  like  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  had  served  \vith 
him  in  the  Illinois  legislature,  and  both  were  re-elected  mem- 
bers that  year.  And  though  my  father  lived  more  than  a 
hundred  miles  from  Springfield,  he  and  a  number  of  other 
Whigs  in  the  vicinity  of  our  home,  were  at  the  convention; 
and  my  father  took  me  along.  So  you  see  I  became  interested 
in  politics  at  an  early  age. 

I  remember  that  convention  well,  and  the  prominent 
speakers,  who  made  speeches  on  that  occasion.  Abraham 
Lincoln  and  E.  D.  Baker,  of  Springfield;  John  J.  Hardin,  of 
Jacksonville;  John  Hogan,  then  a  Methodist  preacher,  of  Al- 
ton; Ben  Bond,  of  Clinton  county;  Fletcher  Webster,  a  son 
of  Daniel  Webster,  then  living  at  Peru,  in  La  Salle  county, 
and  S.  Lisle  Smith,  of  Chicago,  one  of  the  most  gifted  and  elo- 
quent speakers  in  the  state,  were  there.  I  remember  them  all. 
and  heard  them  all  speak.  My  father  introduced  me  to  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  the  impression  made  upon  my  mind  at  that  time 
by  my  father  and  others,  was  that  Lincoln  was  one  of  the  lead- 
ing, prominent  Whigs  and  able  men  of  the  state,  and  he  was 
then  but  31  years  of  age. 

I  have  thought  it  somewhat  remarkable  that  four  of  those 
distinguished  speakers  whom  I  heard  speak  at  that  conven- 
tion, were  afterwards  killed  in  battle  or  in  time  of  war,  while 
rendering  distinguished  services  to  the  country.  John  J.  Har- 
din was  colonel  of  an  Illinois  regiment  and  was  killed  in  the 


Convention,  May  29,  1856,  85 

war  with  Mexico,  at  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista.  Baker,  the 
eloquent  orator  and  gallant  officer  and  soldier,  was  killed  at 
Ball's  Bluff,  Virginia,  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion.  Fletcher 
Webster  was  also  killed  in  battle  in  Virginia,  in  the  same  war ; 
and  Abraham  Lincoln  was  assassinated  while  president  of  the 
United  States  and  commander  in  chief  of  the  army  and  navy, 
after  rendering  the  most  illustrious  service  to  his  country. 

Again  my  father,  having  been  re-elected  as  a  member  of 
the  state  legislature,  as  I  have  said,  took  me  with  him  to  Spring- 
field when  the  legislature  assembled  in  November,  1840,  and 
I  was  in  Springfield  several  weeks  with  him,  during  the 
session,  and  saw  much  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  heard  him  speak 
a  number  of  times.  He  was  one  of  the  prominent  members  of 
the  house,  and  was  recognized  as  one  of  the  able,  if  not  the 
ablest,  of  the  Whig  leaders  and  debaters  in  the  house.  And 
there  were  many  other  able  men,  members  of  the  house,  who 
were  afterwards  distinguished  in  the  public  service.  William 
H.  Bissell,  whom  we  elected  governor  in  1856;  Lyman  Trum- 
bull,  John  Dougherty,  Thomas  Drummond,  John  J.  Hardin, 
John  A.  McClernand,  John  Logan,  father  of  John  A. ;  ex- 
Attorney-General  Kitchell,  and  many  others,  were  able  and 
prominent  members,  and  Lincoln  was,  I  think,  as  prominent  as 
any  of  those  mentioned. 

I  may  put  a  higher  estimate  on  the  ability  and  promi- 
nence of  Mr.  Lincoln  at  that  time,  than  some  others  do,  and 
it  may  be  very  natural  that  I  should ;  for  I  was  a  Whig,  and 
a  little  later,  when  I  became  a  voter,  and  interested  in  politics, 
I  was  associated  with  him,  politically,  and  followed  him  as  a 
leader,  and  always  regarded  him  as  a  strong  and  able  man. 
When  a  member  of  the  legislature  in  1855,  I  voted  for  him 
nine  times  for  United  States  senator,  and  on  the  tenth  ballot 
I  changed  my  vote,  somewhat  unwillingly,  and  voted  at  Mr. 
Lincoln's  own  request,  for  Lyman  Trumbull.  We  could  not 
get  our  old  friend,  Senator  Palmer,  to  vote  for  Lincoln,  once 
(Senator  Palmer  shook  his  head).  But  it  is  all  right,  sen- 
ator; you  came  around  all  right  afterwards,  for  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  the  probabilities  are  that  if  we  had  elected  Mr.  Lincoln 


86  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

United  States  senator  then  he  would  not  have  been  elected 
president — and  if  he  had  not  been,  what  the  condition  of  our 
country  would  be  today  we  cannot  imagine. 

No,  my  friends,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  always  a  great 
man  in  my  estimation,  from  my  first  acquaintance.  He  was 
great  in  his  boyhood,  in  the  cabin  homes  of  his  father.  He 
was,  I  think,  born  great,  and  grew  in  greatness  all  his  life. 

A  brother-in-law  of  mine,  now  dead,  said  to  me  a  few 
years  since,  when  standing  in  Statuary  Hall  in  the  capitol  at 
Washington,  and  looking  at  the  statue  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
by  Vinnie  Ream,  "Thomas,  the  more  I  study  the  life  and  char- 
acter of  Lincoln,  and  compare  him  with  the  other  great  men  of 
history,  the  more  I  thjnk  he  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
men  of  all  ages."  And  such,  I  think,  as  the  ages  go  by,  will 
be  the  judgment  of  mankind. 

But  I  have  rambled  long  enough,  and  must  close,  with 
many  thanks  for  your  kind  attention. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  87 


Address  by   Honorable  George    Schneider 

OF    CHICAGO. 

Mr.  Davis,  the  president  of  the  Historical  Society,  intro- 
duced Mr.  Schneider,  who  spoke  as  follows : 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  I  came  here  without  any  prep- 
aration to  address  you  on  such  an  important  subject  as  the 
foundation  of  the  Republican  party  in  Illinois,  and  as  I  might 
say,  in  the  United  States.  Your  president  made  the  remark, 
that  the  elements  out  of  which  the  new  party  had  been  formed, 
consisted  of  members  of  the  old  Whig  party  with  anti- 
slavery  tendencies;  of  the  Democratic  party  with  even  more 
radical  views,  and  represented  by  such  men  as  my  distinguish- 
ed friend,  General  Palmer;  the  American  or  Know-Nothing 
party;  and  the  Germans,  with  the  most  advanced,  anti-slav- 
ery feelings  of  all  of  them.  My  friend,  Mr.  Paul  Selby,  gave 
you  the  history  of  the  Decatur  convention  where  all  these 
factions  were  represented. 

Here  the  most  difficult  task  did  fall  to  me  as  the  editor 
of  a  German  paper  and  as  a  member  of  that  convention.  The 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  created  a  storm  in  the 
affairs  of  the  country  such  as  was  never  before  witnessed 
since  the  foundation  of  the  republic.  The  south  had  been 
made  bold  and  defiant  by  the  success  in  the  affairs  of  the  na- 
tion since  the  adoption  of  the  so-called  'compromise  meas- 
ures.' The  attempt  of  the  nationalization  of  the  institution 
of  slavery,  and  of  a  most  rigid  Fugitive  Slave  law  with  all  its 
horrors,  had  aroused  the  sleeping  conscience  of  the  nation. 

George  Schneider  was  born  at  Pirmasens,  Bavaria,  December  13.  1823;  liber- 
ally educated;  took  part  in  German  revolution,  1848;  was  condemned  to  death, 
escaped  to  the  United  States:  with  his  brother  established  an  anti-slavery  German 
paper  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.;  1851.  moved  to  Chicago  and  became  the  editor  of  the  Staats- 
Zeitung.  which  he  made  a  daily  and  the  leading  German  newspaper  of  the  north- 
west: called  the  first  anti-Nebraska  meeting  in  the  United  States;  member  of 
editorial  conven  ion  of  February.  1856,  and  of  the  convention  of  May  29,  1856.  and 
of  the  national  Republican  conventions  of  1856  and  1860;  presidential  "elector,  1880 ; 
appointed  by  President  Lincoln  to  confidential  mission  to  Denmark  and  Germany, 
1861;  internal  revenue  collector,  1861  and  1865;  member  of  Chicago  Union  Defense 
Committee,  1861  and  1865:  appointed  minister  to  Switzerland,  1876:  twenty-five  years 
engaged  in  banking  in  Chicago;  the  confidential  adviser  of  every  Republican  presi- 
dent, from  Lincoln  to  McKinley.  (See  Biographical  Die.  and  For.  Gal.,  111.  Ed.  p.30. ) 


88  Anti-Nebraska  Bepublican 

When  Senator  Douglas  introduced  his  bill  to  repeal  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  this  was  the  signal  for  the  volcanic 
out-break  of  the  pent  up  feelings,  of  the  citizens  of  the  Re- 
public who  had  preserved  their  love  of  humanity,  right  and 
justice.  This  was  particularly  the  case  with  the  adopted  citi- 
zens of  the  German  nationality. 

The  revolution  of  1848  and  1849  m  Germany  for  the 
unification  of  the  Fatherland,  and  the  failure  of  this  great  ef- 
fort, sent  thousands  of  the  best  men  of  Germany, — men  of 
culture  and  strong  will  power, — to  this  country,  who  were 
placed  at  the  head  of  many  of  the  best  newspapers  printed  in 
the  German  language.  From  New  York  to  the  great  west, 
their  influence  was  felt  at  once  and  a  great  revival  began 
amongst  them.  The  principal  places  of  this  new  uprising  in 
thought  and  action  were  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Chicago, 
Cincinnati  and  St.  Louis.  All  the  principal  papers  in  these 
cities  opposed  at  once  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the  new 
territories,  and  in  fact,  slavery  itself. 

Our  state  was  in  advance  of  all  of  them  and  nearly 
every  paper  published  in  the  German  language  in  the  state 
opposed  the  Nebraska  bill.  But  here  appeared  most  suddenly, 
a  black  cloud  on  the  political  horizon  which  seemed  to  assume 
such  proportions  and  threatening  form,  as  to  not  only  dampen 
the  fire  of  the  new  movement  against  slavery,  but  to  drive  the 
Germans  from  the  ranks  of  the  party  to  be  formed.  I  refer 
to  the  so-called  American,  or  Know-Nothing  party.  Massa- 
chusetts, Pennsylvania,  Maine,  Vermont,  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  Maryland,  and  several  other  important  states  were 
controlled  by  the  new  party,  and  this  movement  swept  even 
the  shores  of  all  the  middle  and  northwestern  states.  The 
Germans,  who  had  just  entered  the  new  party  with  the  only 
desire  to  oppose  slavery,  were  in  a  most  unpleasant  and  critical 
position,  and  their  political  future  seemed  dark. 

I  entered  the  Decatur  convention  with  a  resolution  in 
opposition  to  this  movement  and  I  had  resolved  to  fight  with 
all  my  might  and  win  or  go  down,  and  with  me,  perhaps  the 
new  party.  My  friend,  Paul  Selby.  who  has  appeared  before 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


89 


HON.  GEORGE  SCHNEIDER. 


90  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

you  with  his  excellent  and  true  historical  address  on  the  De- 
catur  convention,  placed  me  on  the  committee  of  resolutions 
and  I  had  to  help  form  a  platform  containing  a  paragraph 
against  the  prescriptive  doctrines  of  the  so-called  American 
party.  This  portion  of  the  platform  raised  a  storm  of  opposi- 
tion and  in  utter  despair  I  proposed  submitting  it  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, who  had  appeared  in  the  convention,  and  abide  by  his  de- 
cision. Mr.  Lincoln,  after  carefully  reading  the  paragraph, 
made  the  following  remark  : 

"Gentlemen:  The  resolution  introduced  by  Mr.  Schneider 
is  nothing  new.  It  is  already  contained  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  you  cannot  form  a  new  party  on  prescriptive 
principles.' 

This  declaration  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  saved  the  resolution 
and  in  fact,  helped  to  establish  the  new  party  on  the  most 
liberal  democratic  basis.  It  was  adopted  at  the  Bloomington 
convention  and  next,  at  the  great,  and  the  first,  national  Re- 
publican convention  at  Philadelphia  on  the  i8th  of  June,  1856. 
And  in  connection  with  this  I  wish  to  say  that  the  delegation 
from  Illinois  followed  the  lead  of  General  Palmer,  the  real 'grand 
old  man'  from  Illinois.  He  drew  up  the  plan  of  operations ;  he 
had  the  negotiations  with  President  Lane  and  secured  the  proper 
committee  on  resolutions  and  the  great  success  was  due  to  his 
fearless  and  at  the  same  time  prudent  and  statesman-like  action. 
The  great  majority  of  the  Germans  in  all  the  states  of  the  north, 
and  even  in  some  portions  of  the  south,  entered  the  new  party 
that  had  made  Lincoln  president,  and  made  it  possible  to  carry 
on  the  war  with  success  against  slavery,  and  create,  in  fact, 
a  new  Union.  The  new  light  which  appeared  at  Decatur  and 
Bloomington,  spread  its  rays  over  the  whole  of  the  United 
States,  and  so  the  regeneration  of  the  Union  and  the  down- 
fall of  slavery  dated  from  Bloomington;  and  the  convention 
of  which  we  hold  today  this  memorial  convocation  of  the  few 
survivors,  makes  one  of  the  great  epochs  in  the  history  of  the 
country ;  and  with  all  this  we  must  think  of  the  man  who  has 
been  sent  by  Providence  to  carry  this  nation  through  the  agi- 


Convention,  May  W,  1856.  91 

tation  of  war  to  its  present  high  position,  amongst  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  and  I  wish  in  conclusion  to  say  of  him ;  he  crys- 
talized  sentiment,  gave  it  a  focal  point.  Following  his  action 
at  Decatur,  at  Bloomington  he  made  his  wonderful  speech 
which  certainly  gave  the  party  public  form.  I  heard  this 
great  speech  of  his.  He  was  not  great  in  rhetoric,  but  his 
mode  of  speaking  was  new.  He  was  full  of  philosophy  and 
got  into  the  souls  of  men.  He  produced  a  new  manner  of 
politics.  He  rose  up  as  a  prophet.  That  was  his  great  force 
and  strength.  He  caught  the  wandering  thoughts  of  troubled 
men  and  gave  them  continuity,  and  for  this  he  was  in  my 
judgment  the  builder  of  the  party  in  Illinois,  the  state  in  which 
it  first  took  shape  and  rose  to  national  prominence. 

Mr.  J.  O.  Cunningham,  of  Urbana,  being  called  upon 
spoke  as  follows : 

I  was  present  at  the  convention  on  May  29,  1856,  though 
not  as  a  delegate,  but  as  an  observer.  I  came  here  in  the 
company  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  had  been  in  attendance  upon  the 
courts  of  Champaign  and  Vermilion  counties  during  weeks 
previous.  At  that  time  the  only  way  of  reaching  Blooming- 
ton  from  the  eastern  counties,  by  public  conveyance,  was  by 
way  of  the  Wabash  railroad  to  Decatur  and  by  the  Illinois 
Central  railroad  to  Bloomington. 

A  number  of  delegates  and  others  from  the  eastern  coun- 
ties, mostly  young  men,  happened  on  the  Wabash  train  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  arrived  at  Decatur  about  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon.  No  train  coming  to  Bloomington  until  the  next 
morning,  made  it  necessary  that  we  spend  the  afternoon  and 
night  at  Decatur.  The  afternoon  was  spent  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
sauntering  about  the  town  and  intalkingof  his  early  experiences 
there  twenty-five  years  before.  After  a  while  he  proposed 
going  to  the  woods  then  a  little  way  south  or  southwest  of  the 
village,  in  the  Sangamon  bottoms.  His  proposition  was  as- 
sented to  and  all  went  to  the  timber.  A  convenient  log  by  the 
side  of  the  road,  in  a  patch  of  brush,  afforded  seats  for  the 
company,  where  the  time  was  spent  listening  to  the  playful 
and  familiar  talks  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 


92  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

We  spent  the  night  at  the  Oglesby  House,  at  Decatur,  and 
early  the  next  day  a  train  took  us  to  Bloomington.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  very  solicitous  to  meet  some  of  his  old  Whig  friends 
from  southern  Illinois,  whom  he  hoped  to  enlist  in  the  new 
political  movement,  and  searched  the  train  to  find  such.  He 
was  gratified  in  finding  some  one  from  the  south  and  it  is  be- 
lieved that  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  afterwards  nominated  as  auditor 
of  public  accounts,  was  the  man. 

Arriving  at  Bloomington  many  were  found  awaiting  the 
opening  of  the  convention,  largely  from  the  northern  coun- 
ties, among  whom  there  existed  a  most  intense  feeling  upon 
the  situation  in  Kansas.  Lawrence  had  been  sacked  but  re- 
cently by  the  ruffianly  pro-slavery  men  and  the  greatest  out- 
rages perpetrated  upon  free  state  settlers. 

The  evening  previous  to  the  convention  Governor  Reeder 
arrived  in  town,  having  been  driven  a  fugitive  from  the  terri- 
tory he  had  been  commissioned  to  govern,  and  spoke  to  a  large 
crowd  of  listeners  in  the  street  from  an  upper  piazza.  He 
was  moderate  and  not  denunciatory  in  his  address,  only  deline- 
ating the  violence  he  had  witnessed  and  suffered.  Dispatches 
were  received  and  often  publicly  read  to  the  crowds  at  the  hotels 
and  on  the  streets  and  excitement  over  the  situation  was  in- 
tense. No  convention  in  Illinois  ever  assembled  under  circum- 
stances of  greater  excitement. 

One  circumstance  in  the  nomination  of  Colonel  Bissell 
was  peculiar.  Long  before  the  day  of  the  convention  there  ex- 
isted no  doubt  as  to  the  nominee  for  governor.  Colonel 
Bissell  had  earned  a  most  enviable  reputation  as  a  gallant  sol- 
dier in  the  war  with  Mexico  and  as  having  backed  Jefferson 
Davis  down  in  a  dueling  affair  the  latter  had  provoked  with 
Bissell,  was  outspoken  upon  the  issues  most  prominent  in  polit- 
ical discussions,  and  people  had  settled  it  before  that  he  was 
to  be  the  standard  bearer  in  the  state  campaign.  The  tempo- 
rary organization  had  hardly  been  effected  when  Mr.  Munsell. 
a  delegate  from  Edgar  county,  whose  name  has  been  read  here 
today  as  a  delegate,  sprang  to  his  feet  and  nominated  Colonel 
Bissell  for  governor,  regardless  of  the  usage  in  such  cases. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  93 

The  people  having  settled  this  part  of  the  business  in  advance, 
the  nomination  was  confirmed  with  a  yell,  after  which  the 
business  of  a  permanent  organization  of  the  convention,  with 
General  Palmer  as  permanent  president,  was  proceeded  with. 

During  the  absence  of  the  committees  many  speeches 
were  made.  Lovejoy  (and  by  the  way  Owen  Lovejoy  was  the 
greatest  stump  speaker  I  ever  listened  to,)  Browning,  Cook,  Wil- 
liams, Arnold  and  among  them  one  Emory,  a  free  state  refugee 
from  Kansas,  all  made  speeches.  Owing  to  the  inflamed  con- 
dition of  public  sentiment,  the  audience  had  become  much 
wrought  up  in  feeling  when  it  came  the  turn  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  make  his  speech, — the  so-called  "Lost  Speech."  I  thought 
it  then  a  great  speech  and  I  now  think  it  a  great  speech,  one 
of  the  greatest  and  certainly  one  of  the  wisest  ever  delivered 
by  him.  Instead  of  adding,  as  he  might  have  done,  and  as 
most  speakers  would  have  done,  to  the  bitterness  and  exasper- 
ation his  audience  felt,  as  a  manner  of  gaining  control  of  the 
audience,  he  mildly  and  kindly  reproved  the  appeal  to  warlike 
measures  invoked  by  some  who  had  spoken  before  him,  and  be- 
fore entering  upon  the  delivery  of  his  great  arraingnmentof  the 
slavery  question  and  of  the  opposing  party,  he  said :  "I'll  tell 
you  what  we  will  do,  we'll  wait  until  November  and  then  shoot 
paper  ballots  at  them."  This  expression,  with  his  concilia- 
tory and  wise  declarations  greatly  quieted  the  convention  and 
prepared  the  members  for  the  well  considered  platform  which 
was  afterwards  presented  and  adopted. 

This  morning  I  received  by  mail  from  a  friend  what  is 
said  to  have  been  a  contribution  from  the  Mr.  Emory  to  a  Kan- 
sas paper,  giving  his  version  of  the  convention  and  of  the 
speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  am  sure  this  meeting  will  be  glad  to 
have  it  read  here. 

"  I  got  off  the  cars  May  28  at  Bloomington.  *         *          *          I  learned  that 

the  Missouri  river  was  shut  up  for  free-state  men  and  that  there  was  to  be  the 
next  day  a  big  gathering  of  the  friends  of  freedom  from  all  parts  of  Illinois.  I 
here  met  Governor  Reeder  who  had  got  out  of  the  territory  in  the  disguise  of  an 
Irish  hod-carrier.  My  own  home  city  had  been  sacked  and  our  newspaper  office 
demolished  and  the  types  and  printing-presses  thrown  into  the  raging  Kaw.  * 
*  *  the  morrow  came  in  that  Illinois  town  May  29,  1856.  It  was  full  of 
excited  men— the  very  air  \vas  surcharged  with  disturbing  forces;  men  of  all 
parties  met  face  to  face  on  the  streets,  in  the  overflowing  hotels  and  about  the 


94  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

depot  platforms  of  the  incoming  trains.  Anti-Nebraska.  Democrats,  Free-Soil 
Whigs  and  Abolitionists  were  all  there.  There  was  Palmer  and  Lovejoy  and 
Browning,  well  known  names  whom  I  had  often  heard  of  before.  *  *  * 

The  large  hall— Major's— was  crowded  almost  to  suffocation  as  I  took  my  seat  on 
one  of  the  rear  benches.  John  M.  Palmer  was  chairman  and  made  a  speech  that 
took  him  out  of  the  Democratic  party  for  the  time  being.  Browning  was  called 
for  and  he  enjoined  upon  us  'to  ever  remember  that  slavery  itself  was  one  of  the 
compromises  of  the  constitution,  and  was  sacredly  protected  by  the  supreme  law.' 
After  this,  rather  a  cold  dose  to  be  administered  just  at  that  time,  Owen  Lovejoy 
appeared  and  carried  the  convention  by  a  storm  of  eloquent  invective  and  terrific 
oratory.  The  committee  on  resolutions  was  then  announced  and  while  this  was 
being  done  I  felt  a  touch  on  my  shoulder  when  a  young  man  said  he  was  going  to 
call  me  out  to  talk  while  the  committee  was  out,  adding  that  I  must  stop  when  I 
saw  the  committee  come  in,  as  it  had  been  arranged  to  have  "a  fellow  up  here 
from  Springfield,  Abe  Lincoln,  make  a  speech.  He  is  the  best  stump-speaker  in 
Sangamon  county.'  This  young  man  was  Joseph  Medill  a  reporter  for  the  Chicago 
Tribune,  as  I  afterward  learned.  I  had  no  thought  of  anything  of  this  kind,  but  of 
course  I  was  prepared  to  tell  the  story  of  bleeding  Kansas,  there  in  the  house  of 
her  friends.  But  two  things  bothered  me  all  the  time  I  was  speaking;  one  was,  I 
was  trying  to  pick  out  Mr.  Lincoln  who  was  to  follow  me,  for  he  was  the  best 
stump-speaker  in  Sangamon  county,  as  I  had  just  been  told  and  I  had  never  heard 
his  name  before.  Added  to  this,  was  the  watching  I  kept  up  at  the  hall  doors  of 
the  committee  room  to  be  sure  to  have  a  fitting  end  to  my  rather  discursive  talk 
on  that  now  notable  occasion  when  the  party  standing  for  free-Kansas  was  born 
in  Illinois  and  when  a  great  man  appeared  as  the  champion  of  the  Kansas  cause 
*  *  *  As  I  stepped  aside,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  called  for  from  all  sides.  I 
then  for  the  first  time,  and  the  last,  fixed  my  eyes  on  the  great  president.  I 
thought  he  was  not  dressed  very  neatly,  and  that  his  gait  in  walking  up  to  the 
platform  was  sort  of  swinging.  His  hair  was  sort  of  rather  rough  and  the  stoop 
of  his  shoulders  was  noticeable;  but  what  took  me  most  was  his  intense  serious 
look.  He  at  once  held  his  big  audience  and  handled  it  like  the  master  he  was 
before  the  people  pleading  in  a  great  and  just  cause.  Today,  that  'Lost  Speech' 
looks  quite  conservative;  his  chief  contention  all  through  it  was  that  Kansas 
must  come  in  free,  not  slave,  he  said  he  did  not  want  to  meddle  with  slavery 
where  it  existed  and  that  he  was  in  favor  of  a  reasonable  fugitive  slave  law.  I  do 
not  now  recall  how  long  he  spoke,  none  of  us  did,  I  judge.  He  was  at  his  best  and  the 
mad  insolence  of  the  slave  power  as  at  that  time  exhibited  before  the  country 
furnished  plenty  of  material  for  his  unsparing  logic  to  effectively  deal  with  before 
a  popular  audience.  Men  that  day  hardly  were  able  to  take  the  true  gauge  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  He  had  not  yet  been  recognized  as  a  great  man  and  so  we  were  not  a 
little  puzzled  to  know  where  his  power  came  from.  He  was  not  eloquent,  like 
Phillips,  nor  could  he  electrify  an  audience  like  Lovejoy,  but  he  could  beat  them 
both  in  the  deep  and  lasting  convictions  he  left  on  the  minds  of  all  who  chanced 
as  I  did  to  listen  to  him  in  those  dark  days,  now  receding  into  the  mystic  past." 

JAMES  S.  EMORY. 

On  the  close  of  the  afternoon  exercises  at  the  church  the 
photograph  of  the  delegates  present  was  taken  which  is  here- 
with published. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  95 


Abraham    Lincoln, 

Pres.  Davis: 

One  of  the  delegates  from  Pike  county  was  John  G.  Nicolay,  ed- 
itor of  the  Pike  County  Free  Press,  afterwards  private  secretary  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  during  his  candidacy  in  ]860,  and  also  private  secretary  to 
the  president  until  Mr.  Lincoln's  death.  He  was  also  author  of  a  ten- 
volume  Life  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

The  paper  on  "Abraham  Lincoln"  has  been  prepared  by  Mr. 
Nicolay,  but  owing  to  ill  health  he  is  unable  to  be  with  us.  His  paper 
will  be  read  by  Mr.  Prince,  secretary  of  this  society. 

BY  JOHN  G.   NICOLAY. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  May  19,  1900. 
Ezra  M.  Prince,  Esq.,  Secretary  McLean  County  Historical 

Society,  Bloomington,  Illinois. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  received  with  great  pleasure  your  in- 
vitation to  address  a  meeting  to  be  held  in  your  city  on  the  29th 
of  May,  in  commemoration  of  the  Bloomington  convention 
of  1856.  I  am  deeply  disappointed  at  finding  myself  unable 
to  respond  in  person  to  your  flattering  request,  but  my  regret  is 
mitigated  by  your  kind  permission  to  send  you  some  words  of 
greeting  by  mail. 

In  this,  the  closing  year  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  the 
anniversary  celebration  you  have  appointed,  is  most  opportune 
and  most  instructive.  It  will  afford  the  occasion  to  recall  and 
record  the  conspicuous  role  which  the  state  of  Illinois  was  call- 
ed upon  to  play  in  American  politics  nearly  half  a  century  ago; 
to  review  the  mighty  changes  in  national  thought,  national 
legislation,  and  national  destiny  which  have  occurred,  and  to 


John  G.  Nicolay  was  born  in  Essingen,  Bavaria.  February  26,  1832.  Came  to 
United  States  in  1838.  At  16  entered  the  office  of  the  Pike  county,  Illinois,  Free 
Press  and  while  still  in  his  minority  became  editor  and  proprietor  of  that  paper. 
In  1856  became  assistant  to  O.  M.  Hatch.  Secretary  of  State  of  Illinois.  In  1860  be- 
came private  secretary  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  remained  with  him  as  his  private  sec- 
retary until  his  assassination.  United  States  Consul  at  Paris  from  1865  to  1869. 
Afterwards  for  sometime  editor  Chicago  Republican.  Marshal  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  from  1872  to  1887.  Author,  with  John  Hay  of  "Abraham  Lin- 
coln," a  history  of  ten  volumes,  the  Standard  Life  of  Lincoln. 


96  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

honor  the  memory  of  the  man  upon  whom  fell  the  leading  part 
in  that  great  transformation. 

I  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  one  of  the  delegates  from 
Pike  county  in  the  Bloomington  convention  of  1856,  and  to 
hear  the  inspiring  address  delivered  by  Abraham  Lincoln  at  its 
close,  which  held  the  audience  in  such  rapt  attention  that  the 
reporters  dropped  their  pencils  and  forgot  their  work.  Never 
did  nobler  seed  fall  upon  more  fruitful  soil  than  his  argument 
and  exhortation  upon  the  minds  and  hearts  of  his  enthusias- 
tic listeners.  The  remembrance  of  that  interesting  occasion 
calls  up  very  vividly  many  other  momentous  and  related  events 
it  was  my  priviledge  to  witness  during  the  stirring  years  that 
succeeded.  In  the  Representatives'  Hall  at  Springfield  I  heard 
him  deliver  the  famous  address  in  which  he  quoted  the  scrip- 
tural maxim  that  "a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand," 
and  declared  his  belief  that  the  Union  could  not  permanently 
endure,  half  slave  and  half  free.  In  the  Wigwam  at  Chicago 
I  heard  the  roll  call  and  the  thunderous  applause  that  decided 
and  greeted  his  first  nomination  for  president.  On  the  east 
portico  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington  I  heard  him  read  his  first 
inaugural,  in  which  he  announced  the  Union  to  be  perpetual. 
In  the  White  House  I  saw  him  sign  the  final  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation.  On  the  Battlefield  of  Gettysburg  I  heard  him 
pronounce  his  immortal  Gettysburg  address.  I  saw  him  sign 
the  joint  resolution  of  congress  which  authorized  the  Thir- 
teenth Amendment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
And  once  more  on  the  east  portico,  I  heard  from  his  lips  the 
sublime  words  of  the  second  inaugural. 

These  leading  incidents  are  but  a  few  of  the  monumental 
mile  stones  that  measure  the  career  of  this  wonderful  man. 
Between  them,  through  a  period  of  ten  years,  runs  an  easily 
traceable  chain  of  cause  and  effect.  But  the  chain  of  cause  and 
effect,  which  is  so  clear  to  the  readers  of  history  forty-four 
years  after  the  events,  could  not  be  seen  by  those  of  us  who  sat 
in  the  Bloomington  convention.  It  was  hidden  by  that  impen- 
etrable veil  which  the  future  hangs  between  every  sunset  and 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


97 


JOHN  G.  NICOLAY. 


98  Anti-Nebraska  Bepublican 

its  succeeding  sunrise;  between  the  old  year  and  the  new;  be- 
tween the  century  that  ends,  and  the  century  to  come. 

We  who  heard  Lincoln's  convention  speech  of  1856  could 
not  know — neither  could  he  himself  know — that  it  would  be 
followed  by  his  House-divided-against-itself  speech  in  1858; 
that  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  would  elect  him  president  in 
1860,  and  that  the  resulting  Civil  War  would  usher  in  the 
Thirteenth  Amendment.  The  most  that  the  Bloomington 
resolutions  dared  to  ask  for  was  the  restoration  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  all  the  terri- 
tories, and  the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  state. 
Such  was  the  bewilderment  of  public  thought — such  the 
party  antagonisms  of  the  past — such  the  uncertainties  of  the 
future,  that  the  Bloomington  convention  only  called  itself  an 
Anti-Nebraska  organization,  and  even  the  Philadelphia  con- 
vention which  three  weeks  later  nominated  Fremont,  did  not 
yet  adopt  the  Republican  name,  either  in  its  call  or  in  its  plat- 
form. 

Unfortunately  the  fifty  speeches  which  Lincoln  made  in 
the  Fremont  campaign  were  never  put  in  print,  and  we  there- 
fore have  no  record  of  his  observations  on  the  weather-signs 
of  approaching  politics,  except  that  the  election  of  Governor 
Bissell  rendered  Illinois  a  prospective  Republican  state.  It 
required  two  years  more  to  afford  a  clear  outlook  on  the  political 
situation  which  was  developed,  first  in  the  election  of  Buchan- 
an, second  in  the  reactionary  dictum  of  theDred-Scott  decision, 
and  third  in  the  astounding  contrivances  of  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  By  these  events,  the  slavery  question  revealed 
itself  in  entirely  new  aspects,  and  Lincoln  was  the  first  and  only 
man  in  the  United  States  who  correctly  discerned  and  ac- 
curately defined  its  grave  portents.  In  his  house-divided- 
against-itself  speech  he  laid  down  what  was  at  once  the  most 
radical  and  the  most  conservative  programme  of  action  out- 
lined by  any  American  statesman,  and  which,  though  not  em- 
bodied in  the  phraseology  of  the  republican  platform,  became 
practically  the  basis  of  thought,  of  discussion,  and  of  decision 
by  the  whole  body  of  American  voters.  Territorial  prohibition  or 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  99 

popular  sovereignty,  the  admission  of  Kansas,  or  the  senate  bal- 
ance of  power,  were  no  longer  vital  problems.  All  the  previous 
four  years'  discussion,  oral  and  printed,  had  become  empty 
breath  and  waste  paper.  The  whole  field  of  conflict  was 
changed.  The  fight  was  no  longer  to  be  waged  in  the  halls  of 
congress,  or  on  the  plains  of  Kansas.  There  remained  but  two 
real  and  authoritative  contestants,  one,  the  voice  of  the  su- 
preme court,  the  other,  the  voice  of  the  people.  Let  the  su- 
preme court  decide  that  the  states  were  powerless  to  prohibit 
slavery,  and  let  public  opinion  accept  the  decision,  and  contro- 
versy was  necessarily  at  an  end,  and  the  nationalization  of 
slavery  complete  and  final. 

Against  this  consummation  there  was  but  one  effectual 
safeguard ;  an  appeal  must  be  taken  from  the  dictum  of  the  su- 
preme court  to  the  conscience  of  the  nation.  Not  alone  must 
the  spread  of  slavery  be  arrested,  but  the  public  mind  must  be 
restored  to  the  belief  that  the  institution  was  in  course  of  ulti- 
mate extinction.  That  was  the  starting  point  of  the  famous 
Lincoln-Douglas  debates,  in  which  the  discussion  ranged  over 
a  multitude  of  collateral  points,  with  a  skill  in  forensic  battle 
that  has  rarely,  if  ever,  been  equaled.  But  the  very  pith  and 
marrow  of  the  debate  was  exceedingly  simple.  Douglas  de- 
voted all  his  ability  to  show  that  if  the  people  of  a  territory  or 
state  wanted  slavery,  they  had  a  right  to  have  it.  Lincoln,  on 
the  contrary,  little  by  little  forced  the  discussion  to  a  demon- 
stration that  even  if  they  did  want  slavery,  they  had  no  right 
to  have  it,  because  slavery  was  wrong,  and  no  people  have  a 
right  to  do  wrong.  Upon  this  issue,  though  Douglas  gained 
the  senatorship,  Lincoln  carried  the  popular  vote,  and  made 
Illinois  a  factor  in  the  coming  presidential  campaign. 

This,  however,  was  only  a  local  result.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  these  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  were  widely  printed  and 
read  in  the  newspapers,  and  absorbed  public  attention  in  every 
state  in  the  Union  to  an  extent  never  before  accorded  a  merely 
state  election.  The  larger  question  of  slavery,  so  unexpectedly 
renewed  in  1854,  was  gradually  reaching  its  climax,  and  the 
short  axiomatic  definitions  with  which  Lincoln  lifted  the  ar- 


100  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

gument  from  the  level  of  political  expediency  to  one  of 
moral  resposibility  were  eagerly  accepted  and  remembered  in 
the  free  states. 

The  debate  indeed  did  not  end  with  the  senatorial  con- 
test. The  doctrine  of  ''unfriendly  legislation,"  to  which  Lin- 
coln's searching  questions  had  driven  Douglas,  created  a 
schism  in  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  agitation  went  on  in 
various  forms,  until  Lincoln,  in  his  Cooper  Institute  speech 
in  New  York  once  more  clearly  defined  the  pending  issue : 

"If  slavery  is  right,  all  words,  acts,  laws,  and  constitu- 
tions against  it  are  themselves  wrong,  and  should  be  silenced 
and  swept  away.  If  it  is  right,  we  (the  north)  cannot  justly 
object  to  its  nationality — its  universality;  if  it  is  wrong,  they, 
(the  south)  cannot  justly  insist  upon  its  extension — its  en- 
largement. All  they  ask,  we  could  readily  grant  if  we  thought 
slavery  right;  all  we  ask  they  could  as  readily  grant  if  they 
thought  it  wrong.  Their  thinking  it  right  and  our  thinking 
it  wrong,  is  the  precise  fact  upon  which  depends  the  whole 
controversy. .  *  *  *  Wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we 
can  yet  afford  to  let  it  alone  where  it  is,  because  that  much  is 
due  to  the  necessity  arising  from  its  actual  presence  in  the  na- 
tion; but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will  prevent  it,  allow  it  to 
spread  into  the  national  territories,  and  to  overrun  us  here  in 
these  free  states?  If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us 
stand  by  our  duty  fearlessly  and  effectively.  *  *  * 
Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith  let 
us  to  the  end  dare  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it." 

It  was  this  clear  analysis  of  the  pending  quarrel  be- 
tween the  north  and  the  south;  this  candid  assertion  that  slav- 
ery is  wrong ;  this  firm  declaration  that  public  opinion  must  put 
it  in  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  which  caused  the  nomination 
of  Lincoln  for  president  at  Chicago,  and  induced  the  people 
of  the  free  states  to  elect  him. 

In  the  decisive  majorities  shown  by  that  election  the  south- 
ern leaders  beheld  the  final  verdict  of  public  opinion.  No 
matter  what  compromises  they  might  break ;  no  matter  by  what 
force  or  fraud  they  might  restore  their  senatorial  balance  of 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  101 

power ;  no  matter  how  many  Dred-Scott  decisions  they  might 
obtain;  no  matter  how  many  John  Browns  they  might  hang; 
their  institution  was  doomed.  The  election  declared  with  un- 
mistakable emphasis  that  slavery  was  wrong  and  must  be  put 
in  course  of  ultimate  extinction.  In  blind  anger  and  desperate 
defiance  eleven  southern  states  seceded  and  began  Civil  War, 
and  tried  to  justify  their  course  by  the  candid  declaration  of 
Alexander  H.  Stephens  that  their  confederate  government  was 
built  on  slavery  as  its  corner-stone.  Lincoln's  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  with  the  irresistible  fiat  of  war,  and  the  thir- 
teenth amendment,  with  the  omnipotent  voice  of  the  people, 
swept  away  that  corner-stone,  and  the  confederate  government 
fell. 

If,  in  the  Bloomington  convention  of  1856,  we  were  called 
upon  to  deplore  that  an  eminent  citizen  and  senator  of  Illinois 
had  so  prominent  a  share  in  repealing  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, and  renewing  the  slavery  contest,  we  in  this  commemor- 
ative meeting  of  1900  may  proudly  rejoice  that  another  emi- 
nent Illinoisian,  president  of  the  United  States,  corrected  the 
error  and  brought  the  problem  to  a  real  and  permanent  fin- 
ality. 

Very  truly  yours, 

JNO.  G.  NICOLAY. 


102  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 


The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders  of   Illinois. 

Pres.  Davis: 

Two  of  the  members  of  the  convention  were  Dr.  Thomas  Worth- 
ington, delegate  from  Pike  county,  and  Isaac  L.  Morrison,  delegate 
from  Morgan  county.  At  the  request  of  the  committee  Mr.  Morrison 
has  prepared  a  paper  on  "The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders."  Mr.  Mor- 
rison has  prepared  his  paper,  but  on  account  of  ill  health  is  unable  to 
be  present;  but  the  son  of  Dr.  Worthington,  who  is  also  the  son-in-law 
of  Mr.  Morrison,  is  present  and  will  read  Mr.  Morrison's  paper. 

I  introduce  to  you  Hon.  Thomas  Worthington,  of  Jacksonville. 

BY  ISAAC  L.  MORRISON,  JACKSONVILLE,  ILL. 

"The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders  of  Illinois"  has  been  sug- 
gested as  a  theme  for  consideration  in  connection  with  the 
present  occasion.  To  properly  portray  "The  Whig  Leaders 
of  Illinois"  would  require  "the  pen  of  a  ready  writer."  I  do 
not  pretend  to  have  that  power. 

This  assemblage  has  been  convened  for  the  purpose  of 
commemorating  a  political  convention  held  in  the  city  of 
Bloomington  forty-four  years  ago  today.  The  two  'great 
political  parties  existing  in  the  United  States  had  been  known, 
the  one  as  the  Democratic  party,  the  other  as  the  Whig  party, 
for  about  twenty-five  years  preceding  that  date.  There  were 
distinctive  principles  of  political  economy,  that  of  the  Whig 
party  being  in  favor  of  the  principal  of  protection,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  opposed ;  and  the  ever  present  question  of  slavery 
presented  itself. 

The  Democratic  party  had  been  in  control  of  the  state 
of  Illinois  for  many  years  next  preceding  the  holding  of  this 
convention.  The  Whig  party  was  a  minority  party  in  the 

Isaac  L.  Morrison,  lawyer  and  legislator,  born  in  Barren  county.  Ky.,  1826. 
Was  educated  in  the  common  schools  and  the  Masonic  Seminary  of  his  native 
state.  Admitted  to  the  bar  and  came  to  Illinois  in  1851,  locating  at  Jacksonville  where 
he  became  a  leader  of  the  bar  and  of  the  Republican  party,  which  he  assisted  to 
organize  as  a  member  of  its  first  State  convention  at  Bloomington,  in  1856  He 
was  also  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  National  convention  of  1864  that  nominated 
Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  presidency  a  second  time.  Mr.  Morrison  was  three 
times  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  the  General  Assembly  (1876,  '78  and  '82)  and  by 
his  clear  judgment  and  incisive  powers  as  a  public  speaker,  took  a  high  rank  as  a 
leader  in  that  body.  Of  late  years  he  has  given  his  attention  solely  to  the  practice 
of  his  profession  in  Jacksonville.— Historical  Encyclopedia  of  Illinois  386. 

Mr.  Morrison  previous  to  the  organization  of  the  republican  party  was  a  Whig. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


103 


ISAAC  L.  MORRISON. 


104  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

state,  and,  I  might  say,  a  minority  party  in  the  United  States, 
also. 

The  movement  having  in  view  the  acquisition  of  Texas 
was  primarily  a  move  by  the  Democratic  party  of  the  south 
in  order  to  acquire  that  territory  and  bring  it  into  the  Union 
as  a  slave  state,  thereby  giving  to  that  party  increased  power 
in  the  United  States  senate,  Mr.  Calhoun,  while  secretary  of 
state  under  Mr.  Tyler,  instructed  our  minister,  Mr.  King,  rep- 
resenting the  United  States  at  the  Court  of  France,  to  ob- 
tain the  consent,  if  possible,  of  that  power  to  the  acquisition 
of  Texas  by  the  United  States,  in  the  interest  of  slavery. 
Mr.  Glay,  the  great  leader  of  the  Whig  party,  was  op- 
posed to  the  project  on  the  ground  that  it  would  increase  the 
slave  territory  of  the  Union.  In  his  letter  to  the  National 
Intelligencer  on  the  subject,  in  1844,  he  expressed  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  acquisition  of  Texas  on  that  ground,  claiming 
that  it  would  produce  a  war  with  Mexico,  and  that  he  was 
opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any  more  slave  territory. 

Mr.  Webster,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  Niblo's  Garden, 
elaborately  argued  the  question  to  show  that  Texas  ought 
not  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  because  of  the  existence  of 
slavery  within  her  boundaries.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  his  letter 
to  Mr.  Hemmert,  of  Mississippi,  declared  himself  opposed  to 
the  acquisition  of  Texas  at  that  time,  and  opposed  to  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery.  It  was  this  letter,  written  and  published 
by  him,  which  lost  him  the  nomination  by  the  Democratic  party 
in  the  convention  of  1844.  He  had  a  majority  of  that  conven- 
tion in  his  favor,  but  was  unable  to  obtain  a  two-thirds  vote 
under  the  rules  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  was,  therefore, 
defeated.  Mr.  Polk  was  an  advocate  of  slavery  and  in  favor 
of  admitting  Texas  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  state.  He  was 
nominated  by  that  party  and  elected  to  the  presidency  of  the 
United  States. 

The  \Vhig  party  was  then  opposed  to  the  extension  of 
slavery  and  all  but  three  of  the  Whig  senators  in  congress 
from  the  "Free  States"  voted  against  the  admission  of  Texas. 
Texas,  however,  was  admitted  as  a  slave  state. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  105 

In  1848  Mr.  Webster  declared  that  the  Whig  party  was 
the  "Free  Soil"  party  of  the  Union.  He  objected  to  the 
Whig  party  being  absorbed  by  the  "Barn  burners'  Party"  of 
New  York,  because,  as  he  said,  it  would  put  Mr.  Van  Buren 
at  the  head  of  the  Whigs. 

Mr.  Seward,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  October,  1848,  at 
Cleveland,  urged  the  Western  Reserve  people  of  Ohio  to  vote 
for  General  Taylor  on  the  ground  that  he  represented  the 
"Free  Soil"  party. 

The  legislature  of  the  state  of  Illinois  in  1849  passed  a 
resolution  instructing  our  senators  and  requesting  our  repre- 
sentatives in  congress  to  vote  against  any  and  all  legislation 
favorable  to  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  any  of  the  terri- 
tory acquired  from  Mexico  by  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidal- 
go. Every  Whig  elected  to  that  general  assembly  voted  for 
the  passage  of  that  joint  resolution,  and  a  sufficient  number  of 
Democrats  joined  them  in  the  vote  to  pass  it.  The  Whigs  of 
Illinois  were  thereby  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  "Free  Soil," 
so  far  as  a  unanimous  vote  of  their  members  of  that  general  as- 
sembly could  commit  them.  Mr.  Clay,  in  a  speech  in  the  United 
States  senate  in  March,  1850,  defining  the  resolutions  intro- 
duced by  him  with  a  view  to  a  compromise  of  the  questions 
then  under  consideration,  declared  that  no  power  on  earth 
could  compel  him  to  vote  to  introduce  or  extend  slavery  into 
territory  then  free. 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  and  the  great  rush  of 
people  to  that  territory,  soon  increased  its  population  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  give  it  a  claim  upon  the  United  States  govern- 
ment for  admission  into  the  Union  under  a  state  organization. 
A  convention  was  assembled  there,  without  an  enabling  act  by 
Congress,  and  a  constitution  was  framed  and  adopted  by  the 
people,  representatives  elected  and  senators  appointed,  and  ap- 
plication made  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  for  ad- 
mission. 

By  the  admission  of  Texas,  the  slave  power  gained  two 
senators,  but  by  the  admission  of  California  so  soon  there- 
after, the  power  thus  gained  by  the  south  was  neutralized  by 


106  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

senators  from  the  "Free  State."  The  Democratic  party  op- 
posed the  admission  of  California.  The  question  was  finally 
settled  for  the  time  being  by  the  admission  of  California  as  a 
state,  with  a  constitution  prohibiting  the  introduction  of  slav- 
ery, by  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  within  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  by  the  passage  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  This 
law,  hateful  in  all  its  provisions,  was  demanded  by  those 
interested  in  slave  property,  on  the  ground  that  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  provided  for  such  legislation.  It 
was  very  unpopular  with  the  Whigs  in  the  "Free  States,"  and 
was  claimed  to  be  unconstitutional  because  it  provided  that  the 
fugitive  arrested  might  be  taken  back  by  his  captor  to  the 
state  in  which  it  was  claimed  he  belonged,  without  the 
formality  of  a  trial  by  jury.  The  administration  was  demo- 
cratic, the  judges  were  appointed  by  a  democratic  president, 
and  the  law  was  held  constitutional. 

This  legislation  had  a  very  strong  tendency  to  force  the 
Whigs  in  all  the  free  states  to  a  united  opposition  to  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery.  Compromises  are  frequently  said  to  be 
objectionable  as  a  confessed  departure  from  principle;  but  it 
may  well  be  doubted  whether  it  was  not  the  part  of  wisdom 
for  the  Whigs,  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Clay  and  others, 
to  concur  in  these  measures ;  because  it  is  believed  that  had  the 
extreme  southern  element  then  made  the  attempt  to  bring  about 
the  disruption  of  the  Union,  as  had  frequently  been  threatened, 
it  was  extremely  doubtful  whether  the  sentiment  in  the  Free 
States  could  have  been  so  far  consolidated  as  to  have  successful- 
ly resisted  the  attempt.  At  any  rate  after  the  passage  of  these 
resolutions,  the  Democratic  party  in  its  platform  of  principles, 
in  1852,  declared  explicitly  that  the  compromise  measures 
finally  settled  the  slave  controversy.  That  platform  was  a 
distinct  pledge  to  the  people  of  the  Union  that  the  agitation 
of  the  slavery  question  was  to  cease. 

The  resolutions  passed  by  the  Whig  convention  of  that 
year  were  not  sufficiently  explicit  in  expression  to  satisfy 
either  wing  of  the  party.  They  were  a  little  too  strong  to  suit 
the  Whig  party  in  Kentucky  and  other  southern  states  that  had 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  107 

before  that  time  been  controlled  by  the  Whig  party,  and  they 
were  not  sufficiently  strong  and  explicit  to  satisfy  the  Free  Soil 
Whigs  of  the  Free  States.  The  consequence  was  that  they 
did  not  attract  to  their  support  the  people  in  either  section. 
General  Pierce  was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  The 
people  seemed  to  be  inclined  to  accept  the  situation.  They  de- 
sired rest  and  quiet.  It  was  therefore  apparently  unexpected  by 
the  public  at  large  that  the  question  of  the  claims  of  slavery 
should  be  precipitated  so  soon  thereafter.  The  introduction  of 
a  bill  into  congress  organizing  the  territory  west  of  Missouri 
and  of  Iowa  into  the  territory  of  Nebraska,  and  that  by  a  north- 
ern senator,  with  the  proposition  to  repeal  the  Missouri  restric- 
tion, produced  a  profound  sensation.  The  Missouri  Compro- 
mise had  been  in  force  for  about  thirty-five  years,  and  had  been 
regarded  as  an  explicit  and  sufficient  guarantee  that  it 
was  legally  impossible  ever  after  for  one  man  to  buy  or  sell 
another  within  the  territory  belonging  to  the  United  States 
lying  north  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes,  and  west  of  Missouri. 
However,  the  majority  in  congress  pushed  the  matter  until  the 
bill,  eventually  taking  the  form  of  the  organization  of  Kansas 
into  one  territory  and  Nebraska  into  another,  was  passed,  and 
the  Missouri  restriction  repealed.  The  doctrine  had  been  ad- 
vanced during  the  discussion  of  the  compromise  measures  that 
by  the  force  of  the  constitution  itself,  slavery  had  the  right  to 
enter  any  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  that  congress  had 
no  power  to  prohibit  it ;  and  that  therefore  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise was  unconstitutional  and  void.  The  effect  of  this 
legislation  was  to  arouse  in  the  Free  States  an  anti-slavery 
sentiment.  The  Whig  party  did  not  disorganize  in  Illinois  in 
the  political  campaign  of  1854,  although  there  were  divisions 
in  its  ranks  in  various  localities. 

The  campaign  of  1854  was  conducted  by  the  opponents 
of  the  Democratic  party  as  an  Anti-Nebraska  party;  that  is  to 
say,  in  opposition  to  the  administration  of  President  Pierce 
and  to  the  demands  of  the  slave  power.  The  election  that  fall  re- 
sulted in  the  choice  of  a  majoritv  of  the  members  opposed  to 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  opposed  to  the  Democratic  adminis- 


108  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

tration,  and  in  favor  of  Free  Soil.  A  great  majority  of  the 
Whig  leaders  in  the  state  supported  the  Anti-Nebraska  move- 
ment. There  were  some  leading  Democrats,  however,  elected 
to  the  general  assembly,  gentlemen  who  had  stood  high  in  the 
counsels  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  were  in  sentiment 
and  principle  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  Such  were 
John  M.  Palmer,  Norman  B.  Judd,  Burton  C.  Cook,  senators, 
besides  some  members  of  the  house. 

That  legislature  elected  Lyman  Trnmbull  to  the  senate 
of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Trumbull  had  occupied  a  seat  upon 
the  supreme  bench  of  -the  state ;  he  resigned  his  seat,  became 
an  Anti-Nebraska  candidate  for  congress  in  the  Belleville  dis- 
trict, and  was  elected;  but  before  the  time  arrived  for  him  to 
take  his  seat,  he  was  elected  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  discussion  of  the  slavery  question  continued  to  oc- 
cupy public  attention  throughout  the  year  1855,  and  on  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1856,  the  Anti-Nebraska  editors  in  the  state  met 
at  Decatur  in  convention,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the 
best  mode  of  conducting  the  Anti-Nebraska  campaign.  That 
convention  was  presided  over  by  a  Whig  editor,  Mr.  Paul  Sel- 
by,  then  of  Morgan  county.  Resolutions  were  adopted,  a 
central  committee  appointed,  and  it  was  recommended 
that  a  convention  be  held  on  the  29th  of  May,  1856,  for 
the  purpose  of  organizing  all  the  forces  of  the  state  in  op- 
position to  the  Democratic  party.  On  the  same  day  a  polit- 
ical convention  assembled  at  Pittsburg ,  Pennsylvania,  com- 
posed of  men  from  the  various  states  of  theUnion  who  were 
opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  administration  of  General  Pierce 
and  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  We  might  refer  to 
some  of  the  Whig  leaders  who  were  present  in  this  convention; 
in  this  city,  or,  if  not  present,  cooperating  with  the  movement. 
There  was  E.  B.  Washburn,  of  Jo  Daviess  county,  afterwards  a 
member  of  congress  and  still  later  minister  to  France ;  Ira  O. 
Wilkinson,  a  native  of  Kentucky  and  a  circuit  judge  from  Rock 
Island  county;  Wm  P.  Kellogg,  of  Peoria  county,  afterwards 
a  member  of  congress;  Orville  H.  Browning,  afterwards  secre- 
tary of  the  interior;  N.  Bushnell  and  Archibald  Williams,  of 


Convention,  May  29, 1856.  109 

Adams  county ;  Mr.  Williams  was  the  United  States  district  at- 
torney under  Fillmore,  and  was  appointed  district  judge  in 
Kansas  by  Mr.  Lincoln;  William  Ross,  William  A.  Grim- 
shaw,  Jackson  Grimshaw,  and  Dr.  Thomas  Worthington,  an 
original  anti-slavery  Whig,  of  Pike  county;  also  Ozias  M. 
Hatch,  of  that  county,  member  of  the  lower  house  of  the  gen- 
eral assembly  and,  nominated  at  this  convention  for  secretary 
of  state;  Francis  Arenz,  a  learned  German,  and  Henry  E. 
Dummer,  afterwards  member  of  the  legislature,  then  from  Cass 
county ;  Samuel  D.  Lockwood,  who  came  to  the  state  of  Illinois 
in  1818  and  was  on  the  supreme  bench  for  nearly  thirty  years, 
whose  residence  was  injacksonville,  Illinois,  and  afterwards  at 
Aurora  in  Kane  county.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  con- 
stitutional convention  of  1847.  William  Thomas,  who  set- 
tled in  Morgan  county  in  1826,  a  native  of  Kentucky,  served  in 
the  lower  house  and  in  the  senate,  and  also  in  the  constitutional 
convention  of  1847.  There  was  also  from  Morgan  county 
Joseph  J.  and  Martin  H.  Cassell,  and  Jonathan  B.  Turner,  Rich- 
ard Yates,  David  Davis,  then  on  the  circuit  bench,  and 
afterwards  elevated  to  the  supreme  bench  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
Jesse  Fell  and  Leonard  Swett,  of  McLean  county;  C.  H. 
Moore,  of  DeWitt  county;  William  G.  Green,  a  native  of 
Tennessee  from  Menard  county,  and  an  intimate  friend  and 
associate  of  Mr.  Lincoln  at  New  Salem;  Richard  J.  Oglesby, 
of  Macon  county ;  James  M.  Ruggles,  of  Mason  county ;  Joseph 
T.  Eckles,  of  Montgomery  county,  a  member  of  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  1847;  Benjamin  Bond,  of  Clinton  county, 
United  States  marshal  under  Fillmore's  administration; 
Thomas  J.  Henderson,  of  Bureau  county,  brigadier  general  in 
the  Union  Army  and  a  member  of  congress ;  James  C.  Conk- 
ling,  Wm.  H.  Herndon,  William  Jayne,  Wm.  Butler,  Milton 
Hay,  James  N  Brown,  from  Sangamon  county;  Shelby  M.  Cul- 
lom,  from  Tazewell  county,  and  afterwards  of  Sangamon 
county. 

Other  Whig  leaders  did  not  follow  or  support  the  anti- 
slavery  movement  of  the  Whig  party  generally.  Of  those 
we  might  name  Buckner  S.  Mbrris,  of  Cook  county;  Charles 


110  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

H.  Constable,  of  Coles  county;  Anthony  Thornton,  of  Shelby; 
James  L.  D.  Morrison,  of  St.  Clair;  David  M.  Woodson  and 
Charles  D.  Hodges,  of  Greene  county,  and  John  Todd  Stuart 
and  Benjamin  S.  Edwards,  of  Sangamon  county.  Some  of 
these  gentlemen  last  named  joined  the  Democratic  party  on  the 
slavery  question  and  some  of  them  became  extreme  partisans 
in  that  organization. 

The  convention  assembled  at  Bloomington  was  composed 
of  earnest,  determined,  yet  conservative  men  who  had  become 
alarmed  at  the  demands  of  the  slave  interest  in  the  United 
States,  and  who  desired  to  form  a  compact,  energetic  and  ag- 
gressive political  party  in  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slav- 
ery. It  was  not  contemplated,  so  far  as  I  know,  nor  was  it  claim- 
ed by  any  one,  that  the  constitutional  power  existed  to  inter- 
fere with  slavery  in  the  states  where  it  existed  by  force  of  local 
and  positive  law;  but  it  was  the  doctrine  of  that  convention 
that  slavery  was  a  cruel  wrong  and  a  mistaken  policy,  and 
ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  extend  into  other  territory.  And 
it  was  believed  that  to  circumscribe  it  within  the  boundaries 
where  it  then  legally  existed  would  have  a  direct  and  strong 
tendency  to  ultimately  overthrow  it.  There  was  no  question 
raised  as  to  the  name  of  the  party  at  the  time.  That  is  to  say, 
the  name  "Republican"  was  not  proposed,  but  the  effort  was 
made  to  unite  all  earnest  men  who  were  willing  to  renounce 
former  political  organizations  and  associations  and  unite  in  the 
organization  of  a  party  having  for  its  chief  purpose  the  re- 
striction of  slavery  to  its  then  existing  limitations.  Colonel 
Bissell,  a  Democrat,  who  had  commanded  the  Second  regi- 
ment of  Illinois  volunteers  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  who  had 
justly  gained  renown  for  the  achievements  of  that  regiment, 
and  who  had  represented  his  state  in  the  state  legislature  and 
in  congress,  was  nominated  for  governor  without  a  dissenting 
voice.  General  John  M.  Palmer,  then  Senator  Palmer,  was 
elected  to  preside  over  the  deliberations  of  the  convention. 
Francis  A.  Hoffman  of  Cook  county,  was  nominated  for  the  of- 
fice of  lieutenant  governor,  and  he  having  been  found  to  be  in- 
eligible, John  Wood,  of  Adams  county,  was  substituted.  Ozias 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  Ill 

M.  Hatch,  a  Whig  representative  in  the  legislature,  was  nomin- 
ated for  secretary  of  state;  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  a  life-long  Whig, 
was  nominated  for  auditor  of  state.  The  ticket  was  a  conces- 
sion to  the  Whig  element  then  forming  or  constituting  the 
largest  part  of,  the  convention. 

It  is  not  possible  on  this  occasion  to  enumerate  or  mention 
all  the  Wrhig  leaders  who  took  part  in  the  movement  which 
formed  the  Anti-Nebraska  or  anti-slavery  party  in  Illinois.  I 
may  only  mention  those  above  named  and  a  few  others.  Many 
of  those  leaders  acquired  national  fame.  Mr.  Washburn  as 
a  legislator  and  diplomat;  Mr.  Judd  in  the  diplomatic  ser- 
vice; David  Davis  as  a  member  of  the  supreme  court,  and 
many  others  who  acquired  fame  in  the  military  service  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Union.  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  a  gallant 
private  soldier  in  the  war  with  Mexico  and  a  brigadier  general 
of  the  Union  Army,  thrice  elected  governor  of  his  state  and 
once  elected  to  the  United  States  senate;  Shelby  M.  Cullom, 
a  native  of  Kentucky,  who  has  served  as  speaker  of  the  house  of 
representatives  in  the  state  legislature,  who  has  twice  been  elect- 
ed governor  of  his  state;  has  served  in  the  lower  house  of  con- 
gress and  three  times  elected  to  the  United  States  senate. 
Richard  Yates,  who  was  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  this 
convention,  who  served  his  county  and  district  in  the  state 
legislature  and  for  four  years  in  the  house  of  representatives 
in  congress,  who  was  elected  governor  of  the  state  of  Illinois 
in  1860,  and  whose  service  as  the  chief  executive  of  this  state 
in  the  organization  of  regiments  sent  into  the  field  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union  has  not  been  surpassed  by  any  citi- 
zen or  officer  of  the  United  States.  He  also  served  six  years 
in  the  United  States  senate.  He  sleeps  in  a  cemetery  near  the 
little  city  in  which  he  spent  his  life  from  early  youth.  No  stately 
shaft  of  bronze  or  marble  marks  his  grave.  His  monument 
has  been  and  is  in  the  affections  of  more  than  200,000  Illinois 
soldiers  whom  he  organized  into  regiments  at  the  call  of  their 
country,  to  uphold  liberty,  law  and  the  Union. 

Then  there  was  over  and  above  all  the  Whig  leaders  in  the 
state,  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  did  more  by  his  speeches,  by  his 


112  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

efforts  in  the  promotion  of  the  principles  and  interests  of  the 
Whig  party  and  in  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  than 
any  other  member  of  it.  His  kindly  sympathy  for  all  living" 
creatures,  yet  his  comprehensive,  steady  judgment  proved  him 
to  be,  above  all  others  of  his  time,  the  greatest  Whig,  the  great- 
est anti-slavery  advocate  and  the  greatest  man. 

The  party  organized  forty-four  years  ago  today  in  the 
state  of  Illinois  as  the  Anti-Nebraska  party,  soon  after  took 
the  name  of  "Republican"  party,  which  name  it  has  ever  since 
retained.  The  achievements  of  that  party  have  been  mem- 
orable in  the  history  of  the  country.  While  it  was  made  up 
of  a  majority  of  Whigs,  yet  it  included  a  strong  element,  and 
many  strong  men,  from  the  previously  dominating  party  in 
the  Union — Democracy.  It  had  strength  enough  to  over- 
throw the  Democratic  party  at  the  November  election  in  1856 
in  the  state  of  Illinois.  It  did  not  succeed  in  electing  the 
Anti-Nebraska  electoral  ticket  of  that  year,  but  it  got  pos- 
session of  the  state  government.  It  has  retained  possession 
from  that  time  to  the  present,  forty-four  years,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  from  January,  1893,  to  January,  1897,  a  period  of 
four  years. 

The  Whig  leaders  not  only  achieved  their  purpose  in 
preventing  the  extension  of  African  slavery,  but  they  estab- 
lished that  other  distinct  principle  belonging  to  the  Whigs — 
the  principle  of  protection,  and,  by  its  beneficient  operation  in 
the  management  of  the  revenues  of  the  nation,  it  has  brought 
the  people  of  the  United  States  into  an  elevated  and  advanced 
position  among  the  family  of  nations.  The  Whigs  and  the  Whig 
leaders  of  the  state  of  Illinois  are  entitled  to  their  full  share 
of  the  achievements  which  preserved  the  Union  intact,  crushed 
out  that  infamous  institution — American  slavery — and  placed 
the  whole  people  of  the  nation  upon  that  broad  and  Catholic 
principle — "Liberty  for  all."  The  state  of  Illinois  may  well 
be  proud  of  the  deeds  performed  by  the  Whigs  and  Whig  lead- 
ers of  the  state. 

It  required  the  signature  of  "A  Whig  Leader  of  Illinois," 
as  president  of  the  United  States,  to  perfect  the  Morrill  Tariff 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  113 

bill,  thereby  carrying  into  full  effect  the  long  cherished  prin- 
ciple of  protection.  Thus  a  policy  was  adopted  which,  with 
only  spasmodic  exceptions,  has  continued  since  1862,  justify- 
ing, in  its  results,  the  claims  made  by  the  Whigs  for  the  prin- 
ciple which  they  had  so  long  and  earnestly  advocated. 

ISAAC  L.  MORRISON. 


Address  of  Gen.  John  M.  Palmer. 
Pres.  Davis: 

Our  next  speaker  it  is  unnecessary  to  introduce.  Major-general 
in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  governor  of  this  state,  and  senator  in 
the  congress  of  the  United  States,  he  is  a  man  whom  we  all  delight  to 
honor.  It  is  only  necessary  to  further  state  that  he  was  the  president 
of  the  convention  of  May  29,  1856. 

I  have  the  honor  of  introducing  Gen.  John  M.  Palmer. 

Fellow  Citizens:  I  know  that  some  of  those  present  at 
the  convention  of  1856  (the  forty- fourth  anniversary  of  which 
we  celebrate  today),  still  survive — but  they  are  few — some  of 
the  old  friends  preceded  Mr.  Lincoln  into  the  "land  of 
shadows."  Of  the  central  figures  in  that  convention  one  only, 
Hoffman,  is  living;  Bissell,  Wood,  Hatch,  Dubois,  Miller, 
(your  fellow  citizen)  and  Powell,  all  are  gone! 

And  those  who  issued  the  call  for  the  convention  William 
B.  Ogden,  S.  M.  Church,  G.  D.  A.  Parks,  T.  J.  Pickett,  E.  A. 
Dudley,  W.  H.  Herndon,  R.  J.  Oglesby,  Joseph  Gillespie,  D. 
L.  Phillips,  Gustav  Koerner  and  Ira  O.  Wilkinson  and  also 
James  C.  Conkling,  Asahel  Gridley,  Burton  C.  Cook,  Charles 
H.  Ray,  and  N.  B.  Judd,the  executive  committee  under  whose 
directions  the  campaign  of  1856  was  carried  on,  they  too  have 


John  McCauley  Palmer,  was  born  in  Scott  county,  Ky.,  September  13,  1817. 
Moved  to  Madison  county,  111.  Entered  Shurtleff  College,  taught  school,  studied  law, 
1843  elected  probate  jud'ge  of  Macoupin  county.  Member  of  Constitutional  con- 
vention of  1847,  elected  to  State  Senate  in  1852  and  re-elected  in  1854,  as  an  Anti- 
Nebraska  Democrat,  cast  his  vote  for  Lyman  Trumbull  for  United  States  Senator, 
was  president  of  the  Major's  Hall  convention,  delegate  to  National  convention 
that  nominated  Fremont  in  1856.  Presidential  elector  in  1860.  Member  National 
Peace  Conference  1861.  Col.  14111.  Inf.  Brig.  Gen.  November,  1861.  Major  General 
in  1864,  Commander  14  Army  Corps.  1865  assigned  by  President  Lincoln  to  com- 
mand Military  Department,  Kentucky.  In  1868  elected  governor  as  Republican, 
in  1872  supported  Horace  Greely  for  president.  1891  elected  United  States  Senator 
"by  democrats.  1896  gold  democrat  candidate  for  president. 


114  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

gone!  Others  died  under  the  flag,  or  in  the  hospitals  during 
the  Civil  War,  whose  coming  that  convention  faintly  indi- 
cated. 

The  convention  was  created  by  the  intense  hostility  of 
the  American  people  to  the  extension  of  human  slavery  into 
free  territories. 

Both  the  great  parties  of  the  country  had  pledged  them- 
selves by  the  action  of  their  national  convention  in  1852,  to 
maintain  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  as  a  final,  and 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  slavery  question  in  the  United 
States,  but  the  permanent  success  of  the  Democratic  party  was 
destroyed  by  an  event  which  was  intended  to  insure  its  predom- 
inance. 

In  1854  Mr.  Douglas,  then  a  senator  from  Illinois,  re- 
ported a  bill  from  the  committee  on  territories  for  the  or- 
ganization of  the  territory  of  Nebraska.  In  his  report  he  said : 
"The  prominent  amendments  which  your  committee  deemed 
it  their  duty  to  commend  to  the  favorable  action  of  the  senate 
in  a  special  report,  are  those  in  which  the  principles  estab- 
lished by  the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  so  far  as  they 
are  applicable  to  territorial  organizations,  are  proposed  to  be 
affirmed,  and  carried  into  practical  operation  within  the  limits 
of  the  new  territory  with  a  view  of  conforming  their  action 
to  what  they  regard  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  government, 
sanctioned  by  the  approving  voice  of  the  American  people, 
your  committee  had  deemed  it  their  duty  to  incorporate  and 
perpetuate  in  their  territorial  bill  the  principles  and  spirit  of 
those  measures.  If  any  other  considerations  were  necessary 
to  render  the  propriety  of  this  course  imperative  upon  the 
committee,  they  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  Nebraska 
country  occupies  the  relative  position  to  the  slavery  question 
as  did  New  Mexico  and  Utah  when  those  territories  were  or- 
ganized. It  was  a  disputed  point  whether  slavery  was  pro- 
hibited by  law  in  the  country  acquired  from  Mexico. 

On  the  one  hand  it  was  contended  as  a  legal  proposition 
that  slaverv  having  been  prohibited  by  the  enactments  of 
Mexico,  according  to  the  law  of  nations,  we  received  the 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


115 


GEN.  JOHN  M.  PALMER. 


116  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

country  with  all  its  laws  and  local  institutions  attached  to  the 
soil,  so  far  as  they  did  not  conflict  with  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States ;  and  that  a  law,  either  protecting  or  prohibiting 
slavery  was  not  repugnant  to  that  instrument,  as  was  evi- 
denced by  the  fact  that  one-half  of  the  states  of  the  Union 
tolerated,  while  the  other  half  prohibited  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  insisted  that  by  virtue  of  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States,  everv  citizen  had  a  right  to 
remove  to  any  territory  of  the  Union  and  carry  his  property 
with  him  under  the  protection  of  law,  whether  that  property 
consisted  of  persons  or  things. 

The  difficulties  arising  from  this  diversity  of  opinion 
were  greatly  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  there  were  many 
persons  on  both  sides  of  the  legal  controversy  who  were  un- 
willing to  abide  the  decision  of  the  courts  on  the  legal  matters 
in  dispute;  thus  among  those  who  claimed  that  the  Mexican 
laws  were  still  in  force,  and  consequently,  that  slavery  was 
already  prohibited  in  these  territories  by  valid  enactments, 
there  were  many  who  insisted  upon  congress  making  the  mat- 
ter certain  by  enacting  another  prohibition. 

In  like  manner  some  of  those  who  argued  that  Mexican 
law  had  ceased  to  have  any  binding  force,  and  that  the  con- 
stitution tolerated  and  protected  slave  property  in  those  ter- 
ritories, were  unwilling  to  trust  the  decision  of  the  court  upon 
the  point,  and  insisted  that  congress  should,  by  direct  enact- 
ment, remove  all  legal  obstacles  to  the  introduction  of  slaves 
into  the  territories. 

Your  committee  deem  it  fortunate  for  the  peace  of  the 
country  and  the  security  of  the  Union,  that  the  controversy 
then  resulted  in  the  adoption  of  the  compromise  measures, 
which  the  two  great  political  parties  with  singular  unanimity 
have  affirmed  as  a  cardinal  article  of  their  faith  and  proclaimed 
to  the  world  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  controversy  and  an  end 
of  the  agitation. 

A  due  respect  therefore  for  the  avowed  opinions  of  other 
senators,  as  well  as  a  proper  sense  of  patriotic  duty,  enjoins 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  117 

upon  your  committee  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  a  strict 
adherence  to  the  principles  and  even  a  literal  adoption  of  the 
enactments  of  that  adjustment,  in  all  their  territorial  bills,  so 
far  as  the  same  are  not  locally  inapplicable. 

These  enactments  embrace,  among  other  things  less  ma- 
terial to  the  matters  under  consideration,  the  following  pro- 
visions : 

When  admitted  as  a  state,  the  said  territory,  or  any  por- 
tion of  the  same,  shall  be  received  into  the  Union,  with  or 
without  slavery,  as  their  constitution  may  prescribe  at  their 
admission. 

That  the  legislative  power  and  authority  of  said  terri- 
tory shall  be  vested  in  the  governor  and  a  legislative  assembly. 

That  the  legislative  power  of  said  territory  shall  extend  to 
all  rightful  subjects  of  legislation  consistent  with  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  and  the  provisions  of  this  act ;  but  no 
law  shall  be  passed  interfering  with  the  primary  disposal  of 
the  soil;  no  taxes  shall  be  imposed  upon  the  property  of  the 
United  States,  nor  shall  the  land  or  property  of  non-residents 
be  taxed  higher  than  the  lands  or  other  property  of  residents." 

Mr.  Douglas  afterward  offered  an  amendment  to  the  bill 
which  referred  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  declared 
"which  being  inconsistent  with  the  principle  of  non-interven- 
tion by  congress  with  slavery  in  the  states  and  territories  as 
recognized  by  the  legislation  of  1850,  commonly  called  the 
compromise  measures,  is  hereby  declared  inoperative  and  void, 
it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate 
slavery  into  any  state  or  territory  nor  exclude  it  therefrom, 
but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  frame  and 
regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way  subject 
only  to  the  constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  proposition  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise,  or 
declare  it  void,  because  of  its  opposition  to  the  compromise 
measures  of  1850.  was  received  with  reluctance;  the  people 
yielded  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  law,  only  to  discharge  their 
obligations  under  the  constitution,  but  when  it  was  proposed 
to  repeal  the  compromise  of  1820,  or  to  declare  it  inoperative 


118  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

because  of  its  supposed  conflict  with  the  compromise  of  1850, 
they  were  astounded.  They  had  accepted  the  compromise 
measures  of  1850  as  a  supplement  to  that  provision  of  the  com- 
promise of  1820,  which  excluded  slavery  from  the  territories 
of  the  United  States  north  of  36  degrees,  30  seconds.  No  one 
can  doubt  that  Mr.  Douglas  in  his  action  upon  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill,  committed  the  tactical  mistake  of  his  life  time.  He 
relied  upon  the  strength  of  merely  partisan  organization.  He 
did  not  understand  what  he  afterwards  found  to  be  true,  that 
the  questions  he  had  raised  were  of  the  most  dangerous  char- 
acter and  would  destroy  the  Democratic  party. 

The  language  of  his  amendment  to  the  Nebraska  bill  pre- 
sented a  conundrum  of  almost  impossible  solution.  It  de- 
clared that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  act  to  introduce 
slavery  into  any  state  or  territory  or  to  exclude  it  therefrom, 
but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  regulate  their 
own  institution  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

No  man  was  more  capable  of  defending  this  remarkable 
provision  than  was  Mr.  Douglas. 

There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  Dred-Scott  decision,  and 
the  assertion  that  congress  had  no  right  or  authority  to  pro- 
hibit slavery  in  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  gave 
birth  to  the  Republican  party. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  give  a  few  words,  in  explanation  of 
the  position  of  the  Anti-Nebraska-Democrats  at  that  time, 
especially  as  to  their  presence  and  action  in  the  convention  of 
1856. 

I  was  elected  to  the  state  senate  in  1851,  and  attended  a 
called  session  in  June  1852,  and  voted  in  caucus,  as  well  as 
in  joint  session  of  the  two  houses  in  1853  for  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  as  senator  of  the  United  States. 

In  1853  an  act  was  introduced  by  John  A.  Logan,  of 
'Williamson  county,  "to  prevent  the  immigration  of  negroes 
into  the  state."  See,  acts  of  1853,  p.  57. 

The  subject  of  the  action  of  congress  on  the  Nebraska 
bill  was  introduced  into  the  senate  by  Mr.  O'Melveny,  senator 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  119 

from  the  counties  of  Monroe  and  St.  Clair.  At  the  special 
session  of  1854,  the  governor  had  made  no  allusion  to  the  sub- 
ject in  his  message,  which  was  devoted  exclusively  to  state 
affairs.  The  legislature  had,  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic 
instructed  the  senators  of  the  United  States  as  to  their  votes 
and  duties,  and  though  Mr.  Douglas  had  acted  independently 
of  Illinois  it  was  thought  best  by  his  friends  that  he  should 
be  endorsed  by  the  legislature  of  his  own  state;  accordingly 
Mr.  O'Melveny  introduced  on  the  Qth  day  of  February,  1854, 
the  following  resolutions : 

Resolved,  By  the  senate  of  Illinois,  "that  the  bill  to 
form  the  Nebraska  and  Kansas  territories,  as  presented  and 
advocated  by  our  distinguished  Senator  Douglas  at  the  pres- 
ent session  of  congress,  meets  with  our  approbation, 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  that  the  best  interests  of  the 
Union  demands  the  passage  of  said  bill, 

Resolved,  That  we  call  upon  all  Union  men  throughout 
the  state  to  support  said  bill, 

Resolved,  That  we  will  sustain  Judge  Douglas  against  all 
Abolitionists  and  Free-Soilers  in  this  state  so  far  as  the  provi- 
sions of  his  bill  are  concerned." 

Thereupon,  on  the  day  following,  I  offered  the  following 
concurrent  resolutions  as  a  substitute  for  the  resolutions  of 
Mr.  O'Melveny, 

Resolved,  That  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  com- 
promise measures  of  1850,  provide  for  a  satisfactory  and  final 
settlement  of  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  the  people  of  Illinois 
in  common  with  the  citizens  of  all  the  states  are  pledged  to 
maintain  the  same  and  resist  and  discountenance  all  further 
agitation  of  the  question  as  tending  to  weaken  the  bonds  of  the 
Union,  and  as  threatening  its  perpetuity  and  peace. 

Resolved,  That  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  were 
not  intended  by  the  framers,  nor  understood  by  the  people  of 
the  United  States  in  any  manner,  in  letter  or  spirit,  to  weaken 
the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  that  portion  of  the  territory  of  the 
United  States  from  which  it  was  excluded  by  the  terms  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise. 


120  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

Resolved,  That  the  provisions  of  the  bill  for  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  territories,  now  pending" 
in  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  the  same  pro- 
poses to  tolerate  the  introduction  or  existence  of  slavery  in 
said  territory,  or  weakens  or  impairs  the  restrictions  imposed 
thereon  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  meets  the  unqualified 
condemnation  and  opposition  of  this  general  assembly,  as 
directly  exciting  the  elements  of  agitation  and  strife,  so  happily 
allayed  by  the  compromise  aforesaid/'  My  resolutions  were 
defeated. 

I  was  at  that  time  sincerely  in  favor  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, which  excluded  slavery  from  the  territory  west  of  the 
state  of  Missouri,  north  of  the  latitude  of  36  degrees,  30  min- 
utes, and  I  was  equally  sincere  in  my  support  of  the  com- 
promise measure  of  1850,  and  I  felt  indignant  that  an  Illinois 
senator  should,  from  the  committee  on  territories,  make  a  re- 
port and  declare  the  Missouri  act  of  1820,  void,  on  account  of 
its  conflict  with  the  measures  of  1850.  The  house  was  in 
favor  of  the  Nebraska  bill,  and  passed  resolutions  which  were 
introduced  into  the  senate  by  Mr.  Davis,  of  Hancock  county, 
committing  the  entire  Democratic  party  to  the  passage  of  the 
Nebraska  bill.  After  the  adjournment  of  the  special  session 
of  1854,  I  was  conscious  that  I  had  differed  from  my  party 
upon  the  subject  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  had  from  that  cause  alien- 
ated many  of  the  ultra  pro-slavery  men  of  the  Democratic 
party,  and  I  knew  that  I  had  given  that  class  of  men  some  evi- 
dence which  they  used  unsparingly — to  convict  me  of  the  polit- 
ical offense  called  "Abolitionism" — but  I  did  not  see,  what  I 
afterwards  discovered  to  be  true,  that  the  slavery  question 
would  not  cease  to  disturb  the  country,  as  long  as  that  institu- 
tion existed.  I  supposed  that  the  Democratic  party  would 
again  unite  upon  other  issues,  and  I  was  mainly  anxious  to 
preserve  my  personal  independence  and  the  right  inside  the 
party  lines,  to  act  according  to  the  dictates  of  my  own  sense  of 
personal  duty.  Major  Burke,  who  opposed  me  for  a  seat  in 
the  state  senate  in  1854  was  renominated  in  the  summer  of 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  121 

1854,  for  a  seat  in  the  house,  but  he  preferred  to  make  a  can- 
vass for  the  senate.  He  was  a  popular  man  and  after  his 
nomination  for  the  senate,  his  course  toward  me  was  so  per- 
sonal, that  I  determined  to  become  an  independent  Democratic 
candidate. 

In  a  discussion  at  Stanton,  he  claimed  that  the  states  of 
the  Union  were  equal  and  that  the  citizens  of  states,  in  which 
slavery  existed,  had  a  right  to  remove  into  the  territories  with 
their  slaves  and  hold  them,  as  slaves  until  the  people,  with  the 
sanction  of  congress,  formed  a  state  government,  when  slav- 
ery might  be  tolerated,  or  excluded  from  the  new  state. 

He  attacked  the  "Popular  Sovereignty"  doctrine  of 
Douglas  as  "illogical  and  absurd,"  which  it  was.  I  had 
trouble  in  defending  myself  for  opposing  the  Nebraska  bill : 
At  that  time  the  prejudice  against  "Abolitionists"  was  bitter 
and  affected  the  minds  of  three-fourths  of  the  voters.  I  was 
only  remotely  influenced  in  my  course  by  hostility  to  slavery, 
although  I  avowed  my  opposition  to  the  institution :  I  was 
chiefly  concerned  by  the  fact  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  re-opened  the  slavery  question.  In  February. 
1854,  at  the  special  session  of  the  legislature,  I  had  offered  the 
resolutions  heretofore  copied,  which  at  once  expressed  my 
opinions  as  well  as  my  apprehensions.  I  reiterated  the  sub- 
stances of  these  resolutions  in  all  the  speeches  I  made  in  the 
district  and  assailed  Major  Burke  for  his  opposition  to  the 
compromise  of  1850  and  the  result  was,  that  I  was  elected  by 
about  two  hundred  majority. 

I  have  already  expressed  my  great  regard  for  Mr.  Doug- 
las, and  up  to  the  time  to  which  I  refer,  I  regarded  him  as 
my  friend — two  or  three  weeks  before  the  election,  he  came 
into  the  district  and  addressed  the  people  of  Greene  county  at 
Carrollton,  and  from  that  place  came  to  Carlinville,  my  home. 
I  came  into  Carlinville  from  Jerseyville,  where  I  had  attended 
court  after  sundown  on  the  same  day  and  hearing  that  Judge 
Douglas  was  at  the  hotel,  I  called  upon  him  and  we  spent  two 
hours  or  more,  in  earnest  conversation  of  the  purport,  that 
Judge  Douglas  was  anxious  that  the  legislature  would  elect 


122  Anti-Nebraska  Republican  \ 

a  United  States  senator  to  succeed  Gen.  James  Shields,!  should 
agree  to  attend  the  legislative  caucus  and  vote  for  whoever 
might  be  nominated  as  a  candidate  for  senator. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  insisted  that  as  I  was  an  independ- 
ent Democratic  candidate  for  state  senator,  in  opposition  to 
the  Nebraska  bill,  and  especially  opposed  to  that  measure  as  a 
test  of  party  orthodoxy,  he  ought  to  agree  that  the  Democratic 
caucus  should  pass  no  resolutions  favoring  that  measure"  Our 
discussion  was  somewhat  heated,  both  of  us  obstinate,  and  he 
finally  said  to  me  "You  may  join  the  Abolitionists  if  you 
choose  to  do  so,  but  if  you  do,  there  are  enough  patriotic  Whigs 
to  take  your  place  and  elect  Shields,"  I  answered,  "I  will  beat 
Burke  in  spite  of  all  you  can  do  against  me.  You  will  fix 
the  imputation  of  Abolitionism  upon  me  and  by  that  means  try  to 
beat  me.  We  have  fought  the  Whigs  together,  you  now  prom- 
ise yourself  that  they  will  take  my  place  and  help  elect  Shields, 
I  will  fight  you  until  you  are  defeated  and  have  learned  to 
value  your  friends."  I  kept  my  word.  I  think  Judge  Douglas 
had  no  more  active,  or  earnest  political  enemy  than  I  was  from 
that  time  until  I  met  him  in  Washington  in  February,  1861. 

After  the  November  election  in  1854,  I  saw  Mr.  Lincoln 
frequently  and  told  him  that  I  was  elected  as  an  Anti-Nebraska 
Democrat  and  could  not  vote  for  him  but  would  be  compelled 
to  vote  for  a  Democrat. 

When  the  legislature  met  in  1855,  the  Anti-Nebraska 
Democrats  were  represented  by  Judd,  Cook,  Baker,  Allen  and 
myself;  we  held  a  separate  caucus.  Among  the  names  con- 
sidered by  us  for  United  States  senator  were  those  of  Under- 
wood, Judd,  Cook,  Ogden,  Williams  and  Trumbull,  but  we 
finally  selected  Trumbull,  and  I  placed  him  in  nomination  in 
the  joint  session.  He  received  but  five  votes  on  the  first  bal- 
lot. After  several  ballots  Mr.  Lincoln  came  into  the  hall  and 
insisted  that  his  name  should  be  dropped  and  his  friends 
should  vote  for  Trumbull. 

All  but  fifteen  did  so,  and  the  ballot  stood,  Lincoln  15 — 
Trumbull  36 — and  Matteson,  (who  had  taken  the  place  of 
Shields  on  the  balloting,)  47. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  123 

As  the  next  ballot  was  called,  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan, 
Lincoln's  close  friend,  arose  and  announced  the  purpose  of 
the  remaining  Whigs  to  vote  for  Trumbull,  which  they  did, 
he  receiving  fifty-one  votes,  just  enough  to  elect  him.  General 
Henderson  did  vote  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  "nine  times"  but  at  the 
suggestion  of  Judge  Logan,  voted  for  Trumbull. 

We  kept  our  faith  with  Mr.  Lincoln  three  years  after- 
wards, for  when  Elihu  B.  Washburn  came  to  Springfield  in 
1858,  as  a  messenger  from  Horace  Greeley  and  proposed  to 
drop  Mr.  Lincoln  and  take  up  Mr.  Douglas  for  senator,  we, 
the  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  opposed  him  and  in  June,  1858, 
we  concurred  in  the  declaration  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the 
nominee  of  the  Republican  convention  as  its  "first  and  only 
candidate  for  senator." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Dred-Scott  decision,  and  the 
assertion  that  congress  had  no  right  to  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  gave  birth  to  the  Re- 
publican party. 

The  men  who  attended  the  convention  of  1856  were 
sincere  and  earnest  in  their  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slav- 
ery into  free  territories.  They  were  "anti-slavery  men"  but 
they  conceded  the  right  to  the  states  where  slavery  existed  by 
law,  to  maintain  it.  And  such  were  the  opinions  of  the  Re- 
publican party  until  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  exercise  of  the  war 
power  proclaimed  the  Emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  all  but  the 
excepted  states.  And  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  "driving  the  last 
nail  into  the  coffin  of  slavery"  while  commanding  the  Depart- 
ment of  Kentucky  in  1865-66. 

The  convention  passed  resolutions  that,"Congress  pos- 
sessed the  power  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  territories,  and 
should  exercise  that  power  to  prevent  its  extension  into  terri- 
tories heretofore  free;" 

"Opposition  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise," 
and  in  "favor  of  making  Kansas  and  Nebraska  free  states." 

In  the  afternoon  preceding  the  assemblage  of  the  con- 
vention, Gen.  John  T.  Farnsworth  and  I  delivered  speeches 


124  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

from  the  steps  of  the  Pike  House;  General  Farnsworth  had 
been  a  Democrat. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  a  member  of  the  committee  to  re- 
port nominations  to  be  ratified  by  the  convention,  made  a 
speech  before  the  convention,  which  was  of  marvelous  power 
and  force  and  fully  vindicated  the  new  movement  in  opposition 
to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  then  the  con- 
vention adjourned. 

In  1860,  we  were  true  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  Mr.  Judd  was 
chairman  of  his  campaign  committee  in  this  state. 

In  securing  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination  in  1860,  three  of 
your  fellow  citizens,  Judge  David  Davis,  Jesse  W.  Fell  and 
Leonard  Swett,  were  the  recognized  leaders  of  the  Lincoln 
forces,  Judge  Davis,  by  common  consent,  being  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. 


Gov.  William  H.  Bissell. 

Col.  Bissell,  the  nominee  for  governor  at  this  convention, 
died  a  few  weeks  before  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office. 
The  great  event  of  the  war  of  the  rebellion  and  the  great  names 
of  Lincoln,  Grant,  Palmer,  Yates,  Logan  and  the  other  Illinois 
heroes  of  the  war  of  the  rebellion  have  overshadowed  the  fame 
of  one  of  the  best  and  noblest  of  our  Illinois  governors  of  whom 
we  have  only  very  meagre  accounts.  At  the  request  of  the  His- 
torical Society  Mr.  Frank  Elliott,  of  Evanston,  Illinois,  has 
prepared  for  this  book  the  following  sketch  of  Gov.  Bissell. 

WILLIAM   H.   BISSELL. 
FRANK    M.     ELLIOTT,    OF    EVANSTON,     ILL. 

The  name  of  Governor  Bissell  is  not  a  familiar  one  to  the 
politician  of  today,  but  if  any  young  student  wishes  to  place 
before  him  the  conditions  existing  in  the  period  just  before 
our  Civil  War;  if  he  wishes  to  know  of  the  intense  hatred  and 
the  political  devotion  to  parties  of  those  days,  he  will  nowhere 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


125 


Gov.  WILLIAM  H.  BISSELL. 


126  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

find  them  more  dramatically  set  forth  than  in  the  life  of  Gov- 
ernor Bissell.  Within  this  brief  sketch  there  can  only  be  an 
outline  of  the  principal  events  of  the  life;  a  life  in  which  were 
mingled  thrilling  deeds  and  the  pathos  of  a  long  continued 
illness. 

In  the  days  when  he  played  his  part  in  the  political  cam- 
paigns of  this  state,  there  were  few  great  newspapers  and  sten- 
ographic reports  of  speeches  were  rarely  made.  Only  the 
briefest  mention  is  found  of  current  events. 

There  are  no  biographies  of  Governor  Bissell  and  all  the 
sketches  of  his  life  are  short  and  fragmentary.  A  few  facts 
only  are  dwelt  upon  and  nothing  like  a  full  and  careful  re- 
view of  his  life  has  been  written.  The  information  concern- 
ing him  is  scattered  and  is  mostly  hidden  away  in  the  files  of 
old  newspapers.  There  is  a  wealth  of  material  in  connection 
with  him  that  is  worthy  of  "attention. 

It  is  hoped  there  may  be  a  renewed  interest  in  the  life  of 
this  gifted  man  and  that  the  fugitive  information  wherever  it 
may  be  found  will  be  collected  and  form  the  basis  of  a  biog- 
raphy worthy  of  so  distinguished  a  citizen  and  official  of 
Illinois. 

William  H.  Bissell  was  born  at  Hartwick  near  Coopers- 
town,  New  York,  on  April  25,  1811.  His  parents  were  poor 
and  he  experienced  many  of  the  hardships  and  deprivations 
which  slender  means  imposed.  Thus  it  was  that  he  was  denied 
the  usual  educational  advantages,  except  an  occasional  attend- 
ance of  a  summer  school.  As  soon  as  he  was  able  he  himself 
became  a  teacher  taking  schools  during  the  winter  seasons. 
His  habits  were  ever  studious  and  thoughtful  from  his  youth 
and  every  spare  moment  he  utilized  in  reading  and  studying 
such  books  as  ke  could  lay  hands  on.  His  education  was 
largely  self-imposed  and  acquired.  The  experience  of  these 
early  years  laid  the  foundation  and  prepared  him  for  the  suc- 
cess and  trials  which  were  in  store  for  him  in  later  life.  His 
industrious  self-culture  and  life-long  endeavor  to  enrich  his 
mind  and  improve  his  natural  powers  prepared  him  for  every 
opportunity  that  crossed  his  pathway. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  127 

» 

In  selecting  a  profession  he  found  that  of  a  physician 
most  inviting,  accordingly  he  bent  his  energies  to  the  study  of 
medicine,  soon  finding  it  possible  with  what  he  had  earn- 
ed in  teaching  to  attend  the  Philadelphia  Medical  College. 
In  1835  he  received  a  diploma  from  that  institution.  Re- 
turning to  that  part  of  the  country  most  familiar  to  him  he 
commenced  the  practice  of  medicine  at  Southport  in  Chemung 
county,  New  York.  After  two  years  he  removed  to  Painted 
Post  in  Steuben  county  of  the  same  state.  But  the  desire  to 
go  west  came  to  him  as  it  had  come  to  many  of  the  young  men 
of  the  east,  and  not  having  the  money  for  such  an  extended 
journey,  he  managed  through  a  friend  to  borrow  enough  to 
undertake  it.  Times  must  have  been  hard  with  him  for  not  un- 
til fifteen  years  later  did  he  seek  out  his  accommodating  friend 
and  return  the  money  together  with  the  interest.  This  debt 
of  honor  he  gladly  and  voluntarily  paid  out  of  the  first  money 
which  he  received  from  the  government  after  his  election  to 
congress. 

In  1838  he  came  to  Jefferson  county,  Illinois,  but  was 
prostrated  with  illness  shortly  after  his  arrival  and  soon  ex- 
hausted his  scanty  means.  Becoming  discouraged  he  was 
only  saved  from  enlisting  in  the  United  States  army  as  a  private 
soldier  by  his  inability  to  pass  the  physical  examination.  Going 
on  to  Monroe  county,  he  found  an  influential  friend  in  Col- 
onel James,  who  secured  him  a  position  as  school  teacher.  He 
finally  landed  in  Waterloo,  where  he  commenced  the  practice 
of  medicine.  While  he  was  attentive  to  his  duties  as  a  phy- 
sician he  had  time  for  the  political  questions  of  the  day.  He 
displayed  marked  ability  in  this  direction  and  was  elected  to  the 
legislature  as  a  Democrat  in  1840.  Here  he  found  an  oppor- 
tunity to  exercise  his  talents  as  a  speaker  and  it  was  not  long 
before  he  was  considered  the  most  eloquent  and  forcible  de- 
bater in  the  house.  WThile  still  a  physician  the  desire  to  be 
something  more  led  him  to  attend  the  courts  and  to  consider 
the  profession  of  law.  Then  he  commenced  legal  studies  and 
attended  lectures  at  law  school  at  Lexington,  Kentucky.  In 
a  remarkable  short  time  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  form- 


Anti- Nebraslw  Republican 

ed  a  partnership  with  General  Shields  and  moved  to  Belleville, 
Illinois.  This  was  to  be  the  scene  of  his  future  work  and  the 
making  of  a  reputation  that  was  to  carry  him  forward  to 
places  of  honor.  He  remained  a  resident  of  Belleville  until  his 
removal  to  Springfield  to  assume  the  duties  of  governor. 

Being  appointed  prosecuting  attorney,  he  filled  the  office 
with  great  satisfaction  to  his  constituents  and  with  much  per- 
turbation to  the  criminals  who  were  tried  under  his  direction. 
As  if  by  magic  he  leaped  into  fame  as  a  prosecutor.  "He 
seldom  failed  to  convict."  The  Hon.  Joe  Gillespie  said  of  Bis- 
sell  after  hearing  him  in  an  impassioned  speech  at  the  close  of 
a  murder  trial :  "I  realized  then  to  its  fullest  extent,  the  power 
of  language  in  the  mouth  of  a  master  over  the  feelings  of  man- 
kind. If  that  effort  had  been  taken  down  and  could  be  read 
by  us, — of  itself, — it  would  have  made  the  name  of  William  H. 
Bissell  immortal." 

When  the  Mexican  War  broke  out,  Bissell  was  one  of  the 
first  to  enlist.  He  was  elected  colonel  of  the  secoiTd  Illinois 
regiment. 

The  troops  from  Illinois  started  from  Alton,  July   17, 

1846,  and  arrived  at  Mexico  early  in  August.     The  first  and 
second  regiments.  Cols.  John  J.  Hardin  and  Wm.  H.  Bissell 
were  attached  to  the  army  of  the  center  under  General  Taylor 
and  participated  in  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  February  23, 

1847.  It  lasted  all  day.     The  Mexican  army  of  20,000  under 
Santa  Anna  being  opposed  by  only  4,500  Americans.  General 
Taylor  in  his  report  of  the  battle  bears  willing  testimony  to  the 
•excellent  conduct  and  the  spirit  and  gallantry  with  which  the 
two  Illinois  and  Kentucky  regiments  engaged  the  enemy  and 
restored  confidence  in  that  part  of  the  field,  adding :    "Colonel 
Bissell,  the  only  surviving  colonel  of  the  three  regiments  merits 
notice  for  his  coolness  and  bravery  on  this  occasion."     The 
.second  regiment  lost  62  kill  and  69  wounded  in  this  battle. 

Colonel  Bissell's  address  to  his  regiment  on  dress  parade 
a  few  days  after  was  most  pathetic  and  affecting.  His  talents 
were  highly  appreciated  by  his  fellow  officers,  both  regular  and 
volunteer,  and  especially  by  General  Wool,  Major  Washington 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  129 

and  Capt.  Thomas  F.  Marshall.  The  regiment  was  mustered 
out  at  Camargo,  June  u,  1847. 

Upon  his  return  home  Colonel  Bissell  became  an  idolized 
hero.  His  engaging  manner,  his  eminence  as  a  speaker  and 
his  excellent  war  record  combined  to  make  him  exceedingly 
popular.  He  was  immediately  elected  to  the  thirty-first  con- 
gress and  took  his  seat  in  the  house  of  representatives  on  De- 
cember 3,  1849. 

With  the  same  facility  with  which  he  had  earlier  in  life 
mastered  the  subjects  of  medicine,  law  and  military  tactics,  he 
soon  acquired  the  knowledge  of  the  rules  and  customs  that 
governed  the  line  of  action  in  the  house  of  representatives  and 
before  the  end  of  his  first  term  in  congress  was  regarded  as 
an  authority  on  parliamentary  proceedings.  His  first  business 
was  to  familiarize  himself  with  his  new  position  and  prepare 
for  whatever  conflict  might  arise  in  the  future.  This  con- 
flict came  sooner  than  was  expected  to  a  new  member.  Before 
he  had  been  in  the  house  three  months  the  opportunity  was  pre- 
sented, and  Colonel  Bissell  was  prepared. 

When  Calhoun  promulgated  the  doctrine  that  slavery 
must  henceforth  be  the  paramount  issue  and  that  the  tariff 
which  had  caused  the  defeat  of  his  party  should  be  subordi- 
nated, there  were  few  persons,  not  even  Calhoun  himself,  who 
fully  realized  the  strain  that  would  be  put  upon  our  constitu- 
tion, and  the  tragic  events  that  would  follow  before  that  issue 
should  be  determined.  It  was  a  question  how  best  to  acquire 
and  maintain  political  ascendency.  The  leaders  of  the  south 
said  it  must  come  through  slavery  and  this  was  the  shibboleth 
emblazoned  on  their  banner.  The  history  of  this  contest,  the 
greatest  which  this  nation  has  undergone,  is  full  of  interest 
and  admonition,  and  one  in  which  all  theories  and  schemes  of 
peaceful  adjustment  were  exploded  and  cast  aside  by  the  stern 
discipline  of  experience.  It  was  the  contest  whose  decision  fin- 
ally rested  on  the  force  of  arms,  arraying  one  section  against 
another — the  south  ever  the  aggressor,  the  north  the  defender. 

Benton,  in  his  "Thirty  Years'  View,"  cites  a  paragraph 
written  by  one  not  without  knowledge  of  what  he  was  saying, 


130  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

which  appeared  in  a  leading  South  Carolina  paper.  "When 
the  future  historian  shall  address  himself  to  the  task  of  por- 
traying the  rise,  progress,  and  decline  of  the  American  Union, 
the  year  1850  will  arrest  his  attention  as  denoting  and  pre- 
senting the  first  marshaling  and  arraying  of  those  hostile  forces 
and  opposing  elements,  which  resulted  in  dissolution;  and  the 
world  will  have  another  illustration  of  the  great  truth  that 
forms  and  modes  of  government,  however  correct  in  theory, 
are  only  valuable  as  they  conduce  to  the  great  ends  of  all  gov- 
ernment— the  peace,  quiet  and  conscious  security  of  the  gov- 
erned." 

"All  that  was  said  was  attempted,  and  the  catastrophe 
alone  was  wanting  to  complete  the  task  assigned  to  the  future 
historian." 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter  this  subject  farther  than  to 
offer  a  sufficient  back-ground  for  the  central  figure  of  our 
sketch.  Colonel  Bissell,  was  at  this  time  in  the  prime  of  life 
and  in  perfect  health.  He  was  about  39  years  of  age,  tall  and 
of  delicate  appearance,  and  carried  himself  with  a  military  air. 
He  had  a  clear,  dark  complexion,  coal  black  hair  and  a  modest 
moustache.  He  had  keen  black  eyes  which  seemed  to  penetrate 
with  deadly  accuracy,  and  in  animated  conversation,  or  in  a 
heated  debate  his  whole  face  would  assume  the  expression  best 
fitted  to  his  theme.  He  was  not  a  talkative  man,  but  when 
he  did  speak  his  remarks  were  always  pertinent.  He  \vas  ex- 
ceedingly modest.  His  taciturn  habits  which  were  acquired 
when  a  country  doctor,  seemed  always  to  have  remained  with 
him.  He  possessed  to  a  remarkable  degree  coolness  and  self- 
possession,  the  characteristics  of  a  man  not  easily  intimidated. 
Colonel  Bissell  was  a  gifted  extemporaneous  speaker,  full  of 
honest  common  sense,  who  never  spoke  for  effect,  but  always 
from  conviction.  His  speeches  are  said  to  have  been  most 
effective  in  delivery.  He  possessed  the  magnetic  gift  of  swaying- 
his  audience  and  of  being  able  to  carry  it  with  him.  He  had 
a  keen  appreciation  of  facts  and  an  unusually  strong  poetical 
imagination.  He  was  largely  dependent  upon  his  audience  for 
inspiration,  and  when  this  was  secured  he  spoke  with  a  fluency 
and  passion  that  was  truely  wonderful. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  131 

When  Colonel  Bissell  entered  congress,  he  found  the 
slave-holding  element  in  power,  and  all  legislation  was  being 
directed  for  its  perpetuation.  He  sat  in  his  seat  and  listened 
to  the  speeches  which  were  made  to  fire  the  chivalry  of  the  south 
and  which  with  innuendo  and  sarcasm  taunted  the  north  with 
"injustice  and  aggression."  He  listened  to  the  southerns' 
threat  to  abandon  the  Union  and  establish  a  separate  confeder- 
acy, and  was  amazed.  He  had  subscribed  to  the  same  oath  of 
office  they  had  taken,  to  support  and  defend  the  constitution 
and  all  the  laws  of  the  Union  and  it  was  incomprehensible  to 
him,  a  conscientious  man,  one  who  loved  his  country  and  his 
flag,  how  these  things  could  be.  He  resolved  to  make  a  reply. 
On  February  21,  1850,  he  delivered  his  speech  on  the  slavery 
question  and  it  was  regarded  at  the  time  as  one  of  the  ablest 
given  in  congress. 

In  the  introduction  he  expressed  his  reluctance  to  add  to 
the  public  anxiety  which  this  discussion  had  already  produced. 
It  was  his  "settled  conviction  that  unless  the  representatives 
who  had  assumed  to  speak  for  the  slave-holding  states  have 
greatly  mistaken  the  purposes  and  intentions  of  the  people  of 
those  states,  war  and  bloodshed  consequent  upon  an  attempt 
to  overthrow  this  government  was  inevitable."  This  declara- 
tion he  desired  should  go  forth  to  the  country  and  with  it  the 
reasons  upon  which  his  opinion  was  based.  He  repelled  the 
charge  that  the  north  had  been  constantly  aggressive  on  the 
slavery  question. 

It  was  to  Mr.  Seddon,  of  Virginia,  however,  that  Colonel 
Bissell,  stung  by  his  utterances,  paid  particular  attention  in 
the  closing  part  of  his  speech. 

Chittenden,  in  his  "Recollections"  has  given  a  sketch  of 
Mr.  Seddon  as  he  saw  him  in  the  peace  conference  in  1860, 
ten  years  after  this  debate  with  Colonel  Bissell.  "His  personal 
appearance  was  extraordinary.  His  frame  was  fleshless  as 
that  of  John  Randolph  and  he  was  equally  with  that  statesman, 
intense  in  his  hatred  of  all  forms  of  northern  life.  The  pallor 
of  his  face,  his  narrow  chest,  sunken  eyes  and  attenuated  frame 
indicated  the  last  stages  of  consumption.  His  voice,  husky 


132  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

at  first,  cleared  with  the  excitement  of  debate  in  which  he  be- 
came eloquent.  Notwithstanding  his  spectral  appearance  he 
survived  to  become  secretary  of  war  in  the  confederacy.  He 
was  the  most  powerful  debater  of  the  conference;  skillful, 
adroit,  cunning,  the  soul  of  the  plot  which  the  conference  was 
intended  to  execute." 

This  picture  of  Seddon  will  aid  us  in  understanding  him 
as  he  spoke  on  the  subject  that  aroused  Colonel  Bissell.  Gen- 
eral Taylor,  although  a  Virginian  and  a  slave-holder,  proposed 
to  be  president  of  the  country,  rather  than  of  his  party,  and  he 
had  determined  to  conduct  his  administration  free  from  the  in- 
fluence of  pro-slavery  advocates.  Mr.  Seddon  was  making  an 
appeal,  calling  upon  him  to  remember  "the  trials  and  triumphs, 
he  had  shared  with  the  gallant  sons  of  the  south,  his  fellow 
soldiers  and  compatriots  in  the  conflicts  which  so  largely  won 
these  acquisitions."  Continuing,  Mr.  Seddon,  said : 

"In  the  bloody  trenches  of  Monterey,  in  the  midst  of  the 
din  and  smoke  of  battle,  again  should  he  see  valiant  soldiers 
of  the  south  rush  on  to  the  cannon's  mouth,  and  mount  'the 
imminent  deadly  breach/  with  their  mangled  bodies  piling 
high  the  pedestal  of  his  fame.  And  on  that  memorable  field 
of  Buena  Vista,  at  that  most  critical  juncture  when  all  seemed 
lost  save  honor,  again  should  his  heart  bound  with  hope"as  he 
hailed  the  approach  of  the  noble  regiment  of  Mississippians, 
and  beheld  them  steady,  undismayed,  (through  the  very  midst 
of  the  brave  but  unfortunate  troops  of  the  north,  then,  through 
a  mistaken  order  discomfited  and  in  rout)  with  souls  untouched 
by  panic  and  nerved  to  do  or  die,  march  onward — right  on- 
ward on  the  countless  foe  and  with  invincible  prowess  snatch 
from  the  very  jaws  of  death  rescue  and  victory. 

"By  such  proud  memories — bythe  fame  theyhavewon  and 
the  meed  of  gratitude  and  honor  they  conferred,  I  would  invoke 
him  to  cast  now  the  weight  of  his  deserved  influence  and  high 
position  on  the  side  of  the  south, — in  the  scale  of  right  and 
justice.  Let  him  openly  rebuke  the  mad  fanaticism  and  grasp- 
ing lust  of  power  in  the  north.  Let  him,  as  when  marching  to 
the  relief  of  his  comrades  at  Fort  Brown,  determine,  let  foes 


Convention,  May  29, 1856.  133 

come  in  what  number  they  may,  to  encounter  them  and  march 
onward  to  the  rescue  of  the  south  and  her  threatened  institu- 
tions." 

Colonel  Bissell  in  concluding  his  speech  said :  "I  must 
now  refer  to  a  subject  which  I  would  gladly  have  avoided.  I 
allude  to  the  claim  put  forth  for  a  southern  regiment,  by  the 
gentleman  from  Virginia  (Seddon,)  of  having  met  and  re- 
pulsed the  enemy  on  the  field  of  Buena  Vista,  at  that  most 
critical  moment  when  the  second  Indiana  regiment,  through 
an  unfortunate  order  of  their  colonel  gave  way.  Justice  to  the 
living,  as  well  as  to  those  who  fell  on  that  occasion,  demand  of 
me  a  prompt  correction  of  this  most  erroneous  statement.  And 
I  affirm  distinctly  sir,  and  such  is  the  fact,  that  at  the  time  the 
second  Indiana  regiment  gave  way,  the  Mississippi  regiment, 
for  whom  this  claim  is  thus  gratuitously  set  up,  was  not 
within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  scene  of  action,  nor 
had  it  as  yet  fired  a  gun  or  drawn  a  trigger.  I  af- 
firm further,  sir,  that  the  troops  which  at  that  time  met 
and  resisted  the  enemy,  and  thus  to  use  the  gentle- 
man's own  language,  'snatched  victory  from  the  jaws  of  de- 
feat,' were  the  second  Kentucky,  the  second  Illinois  and  a  por- 
tion of  the  first  Illinois  regiments.  It  gives  me  no  pleasure  sir, 
to  be  compelled  to  allude  to  this  subject,  nor  can  I  perceive  the 
necessity  or  propriety  of  its  introduction  into  this  debate.  It 
having  been  introduced,  however,  I  could  not  sit  in  silence  and 
witness  the  infliction  of  such  cruel  injustice  upon  men,  living 
and  dead,  whose  well  earned  fame  I  were  a  monster  not  to 
protect.  The  true  and  brave  hearts  of  many  of  them,  alas, 
have  already  mingled  with  a  soil  of  a  foreign  country;  but 
their  claims  upon  the  justice  of  their  countrymen  can  never 
cease,  nor  can  my  obligations  to  them  be  ever  forgotten  or 
disregarded.  No,  sir. — the  voice  of  Hardin, — that  voice 
which  has  so  often  been  heard  in  this  hall  as  mine  now  is, 
though  far  more  eloquently, — the  voice  of  Hardin,  aye,  and  of 
McKee,  and  the  accomplished  Clay, —  each  wrapped  now  in 
his  bloody  shroud, — therr  voices  would  reproach  me  from  the 
grave,  had  I  failed  in  this  act  of  justice  to  them  and  the  others 
who  fought  and  fell  by  my  side. 


134  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

"You  will  suspect  me,  Mr.  Chairman  of  having  warm 
feelings  on  this  subject.  So  I  have;  and  I  have  given  them  ut- 
terance as  a  matter  of  duty.  In  all  this,  however,  I  by  no 
means  detract  from  the  gallant  conduct  and  bearing  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi regiment.  At  other  times  and  places  on  that  bloody  field, 
they  did  all  that  their  warmest  admirers  could  have  desired. 
But,  let  me  ask  again,  why  was  this  subject  introduced  into  this 
debate?  Why  does  the  gentleman  say  'the  troops  of  the 
north'  gave  way,  when  he  means  only  a  single  regiment  ?  Why 
is  all  this  but  for  the  purpose  of  disparaging  the  north  for  the 
benefit  of  the  south  ?  Why,  but  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing 
materials  for  that  ceaseless,  never-ending  eternal  theme  of 
'Southern  chivalry?' 

"We  are  ready  to  meet  you  now  on  any  fair  grounds  and 
fight  with  you  side  by  side  for  your  rights  and  for  ours ;  and 
defend  those  rights  under  the  constitution  from  encroachment 
in  any  quarter.  But,  sir,  we  want  to  hear  no  more  about  dis- 
union. We  are  attached  to  the  Union, — aye,  devotedly  are  we 
attached  to  it.  We  regard  it  as  the  ark  of  safety  for  the  Amer- 
ican people.  We  know  that  the  realization  of  the  hopes  for 
human  freedom  throughout  the  world,  depend  upon  its  per- 
petuity. And  shall  we  ruthlessly  crush  these  hopes  forever? 
Shall  that  beacon  light  which  our  fathers  raised  to  cheer  and 
guide  the  friends  of  freedom  be  extinguished  by  us?  Ex- 
tinguish it  if  you  will,  but  know,  that  wrhen  you  do  it,  the  world 
is  enshrouded  in  darkness  more  frightful  than  Egyptian 
night. 

"I  know  the  people  of  my  state.  I  know  the  people  of  the 
great  west  and  northwest;  and  I  know  their  devotion  to  the 
American  Union.  And,  I  feel  warranted  in  saying  in  my  place 
here,  that  when  you  talk  to  them  of  destroying  this  Union, 
there  is  not  a  man  throughout  that  vast  region  who  will  not 
raise  his  hand  and  swear  by  the  Eternal  God,  as  I  now  do,  it 
shall  never  be  done  if  our  arms  can  save  it.  Illinois  prof- 
fered to  the  country  nine  regiments  to  aid  in  the  vindication 
of  her  rights  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  And  should  danger 
threaten  the  Union  from  any  source  or  in  any  quarter  in  the 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  135 

north  or  in  the  south,  she  will  be  ready  to  furnish  twice,  thrice, 
yes,  four  times  that  number,  to  march  where  that  danger  may 
be,  to  return  when  it  is  passed,  or  return  no  more." 

Every  phase  of  Colonel  Bissell's  genius  in  this  speech  was 
in  evidence.  He  was  keen,  satirical,  fervid  and  filled  with  in- 
dignation at  the  injustice  put  upon  his  comrades  and  the  people 
of  the  north ;  his  voice  rang  out  with  no  uncertain  tone  com- 
manding attention  and  the  deepest  interest  of  the  entire 
house.  The  effect  was  something  unparalleled.  Colonel  Bis- 
sell,  before  its  delivery,  was  unknown  beyond  the  confines  of 
his  own  state;  now  he  was  known  throughout  the  nation. 
Those  from  the  north  rejoicing,  and  extolling  his  virtues; 
those  from  the  south  denouncing  him  and  giving  vent  to  their 
anger  in  banal  epithets. 

Not  since  the  time  of  Adams  had  any  one  in  the  house 
of  representatives  chosen  to  take  up  the  gauntlet  and  with 
reasoning,  ridicule  and  sarcasm,  such  as  Colonel  Bissell  em- 
ployed bid  defiance  to  the  cause  of  slavery  and  secession.  It 
could  not  be  permitted.  The  south  had  been  insulted.  The 
north  must  be  crushed.  Its  brilliant  spokesman  must  be  hu- 
miliated. Every  sentence  of  his  speech  was  a  fire-brand  to 
the  minds  of  the  leaders  of  the  south.  Its  effect  must  be  ex- 
tinguished and  that  speedily.  The  reference,  to  the  Mississippi 
regiment  was  particularly  offensive.  Jefferson  Davis,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  senate  and  colonel  of  that  regiment  during  the  Mex- 
ican War,  took  umbrage  at  what  he  considered  an  insult  cast 
upon  his  soldiers,  and  he  forthwith  sent  a  challenge  to  Colonel 
Bissell,  which  was  promptly  accepted.  The  preliminaries 
Avere  left  to  be  arranged  by  his  friends,  but  under  the  laws  of 
the  code,  Colonel  Bissell  had  the  choice  of  weapons.  He 
designated  the  "common  army  musket  to  be  loaded  with  a  ball 
and  three  buck-shot ;  the  combatants  to  be  stationed  forty  paces 
apart  with  liberty  to  advance  to  ten  paces."  This  determin- 
ation of  Colonel  Bissell  to  fight  to  the  death  was  more  than 
was  expected  by  the  champions  of  southern  chivalry. 

The  city  of  Washington,  and  in  fact  the  whole  country 
was  put  in  a  fever  of  excitement  over  this  anticipated  duel. 


136  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

Those  who  had  not  known  Colonel  Bissell  pressed  forward 
to  congratulate  him  and  speak  a  word  of  encouragement;  but 
he  did  not  need  encouragement.  He  was  by  nature  a  brave 
man  and  when  honor  was  at  stake  his  best  blood  was  at  the 
service  of  his  country. 

The  story  is  told,  that  Daniel  Webster  hearing  of  the  pro- 
posed duel,  desired  to  meet  Colonel  Bissell  and  as  he  expressed 
it,  "He  wanted  to  look  him  in  the  eye."  He  went  to  the  hall 
of  the  house,  and  was  introduced.  The  two  grasped  hands 
heartily ;  the  one  "caught  the  flash  from  under  the  thunderous 
brow  and  saw  a  genial  glow  upon  the  face."  What  passed 
between  these  two  great  men,  one  the  champion  of  freedom  in 
the  senate,  and  the  other  in  the  house,  no  one  knows;  but 
shortly  afterwards  Webster  returned  to  the  senate  chamber 
and  observed  to  one  of  the  government  officials,  who  knew  the 
object  of  his  visit, — "He  will  do,  the  south  has  mistaken  its 
man." 

The  time  for  the  duel  was  set  for  the  28th,  and  as  the  law 
prohibited  dueling  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  arrangements 
were  made  to  have  it  elsewhere.  But,  this  was  not  to  be ;  for 
the  friends  of  Davis  being  alarmed  at  the  seriousness  of  the  af- 
fair were  making  strenuous  efforts  to  patch  up  a  peace.  I. ate 
in  the  evening  before  the  day  set  for  the  duel.  Colonel  Bissell 
was  called  upon  at  his  rooms  by  President  Taylor.  The  col- 
onel was  composed  and  in  his  usual  good  spirits.  The  presi- 
dent was  fortunately  situated  to  interpose  in  this  matter,  for 
Jefferson  Davis  was  his  son-in-law  and  Colonel  Bissell  had 
been  under  his  command  in  the  Mexican  War.  The  presi- 
dent made  known  the  object  of  his  visit  and  asked  Colonel  Bis- 
sell if  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  modify  the  language  used 
by  him  at  which  Davis  had  taken  offense.  Colonel  Bissell  re- 
plied,— "that  he  had  but  done  his  duty  in  defending  the  Illinois 
regiment  from  the  aspersions  with  which  Seddon  had  assailed 
it,  and  had  used  only  such  language  as  expressed  his  honest  in- 
dignation thereat.  He  could  not  and  would  not  modify  one 
word  that  he  had  spoken."  The  president  sat  with  him  in 
conversation  till  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  then  bade  him  a 
solemn  and  affectionate  farewell. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  187 

An  amicable  understanding  was  afterwrrds  reached 
by  which  all  of  the  original  correspondence  between  the  parties 
was  withdrawn,  and  letters  of  a  more  conciliatory  nature  with 
modified  statements  were  substituted.  The  letter  of  Colonel 
Bissell,  however,  conformed  strictly  to  the  facts  as  stated  in  his 
speech  he  neither  retracted  nor  regretted  what  he  had  said, 
but  again  emphasized  his  object  to  disprove  the  false  state- 
ments and  to  show  the  injustice  done  to  his  comrades  in  arms 
by  Mr.  Seddon. 

The  spirit  of  this  letter  must  have  given  cold  comfort  to 
the  redoubtable  "Champion  of  Slavery."  Senator  Douglas 
said,  "There  certainly  would  have  been  a  fight,  and  one  or 
both  of  them  killed,  had  it  not  been  for  General  Taylor."  Thus 
was  closed  one  of  the  scenes  in  that  great  political  drama  in 
which  was  subsequently  enacted  with  more  fury  and  effect,  the 
villainous  attack  of  Brooks  on  Charles  Sumner  in  the  senate, 
felling  him  to  the  floor  by  repeated  blows  on  the  head  with  a 
cane;  and  in  which  later  on,  were  to  come  the  direful  tragedy 
of  the  war  between  the  north  and  south,  which  culminated  in 
the  assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  As  we  recall  the 
scenes  and  events  which  took  place  in  that  stupendous  drama, 
the  men  who  dared  in  the  early  days  to  plead  for  the  Union 
and  the  freedom  of  its  people,  rise  above  their  contemporaries 
and  will  ever  be  regarded  as  the  true  patriots  and  heroes  of  our 
country. 

Extracts  of  Colonel  Bissell's  speech  were  printed  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  time,  and  its  influence  was  felt  through- 
out the  nation.  In  1856,  the  same  speech  was  printed 
entire  and  used  as  a  campaign  document  in  this  state.  The 
Republicans  of  New  York  during  the  convass  of  1858  printed 
large  editions  of  Colonel  Bissell's  speech  and  scattered  them 
broad-cast  over  the  state.  Although  it  had  been  delivered 
eight  years  before,  it  was  still  considered  the  best  exposition 
of  the  subject  and  the  best  answer  that  had  been  made  to  the 
doctrine  of  secession. 

This  adventure  of  Colonel  Bissell's  aroused  the  patriotism 
of  the  whole  north.  It  has  been  said,  that  if  Colonel  Bissell 


138  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

had  not  been  stricken  by  paralysis  affecting  the  lower  half 
of  his  body  he  would  have  been  the  recipient  of  still  greater 
honors  from  the  hands  of  a  grateful  people. 

During  the  canvassing  of  names  for  the  first  Republican 
candidate  for  president  that  of  Colonel  Bissell  was  frequently 
mentioned.  He  was  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  Republican 
party  from  the  first,  and  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  principles 
upon  which  it  was  founded.  His  reputation  as  a  speaker,  his 
war  record,  his  bravery,  his  commanding  presence  were  all 
by  recent  events  brought  into  full  view  of  the  Northern  people, 
and  his  exploits  for  campaign  purposes  would  have  been  as 
effective  as  those  of  Fremont,  who  became  the  nominee. 

This  line  of  thought  is  not  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
speculating  on  what  changes  would  have  been  made  in  the 
history  of  those  stirring  or  subsequent  times,  had  Colonel 
Bissell  been  nominated,  but  as  evidence  of  the  high  esteem  in 
which  he  was  held  by  many  of  his  countrymen.  Three  times 
he  was  sent  to  congress  and  during  his  second  congressional 
campaign,  which  followed  the  delivery  of  his  speech  on  slav- 
ery, he  received  what  is  seldom  known  to  have  occurred  be- 
fore or  since  in  this  country, — the  unanimous  vote  of  his  dis- 
trict something  over  fifteen  thousand  votes. 

When  someone  suggested  to  Lincoln  that  there  was  a 
movement  to  have  him  nominated  for  governor,  he  replied,  "I 
wish  to  say  why  I  should  not  be  a  candidate.  If  I  should  be 
•chosen  the  Democrats  would  say,  'it  was  nothing  more  than 
an  attempt  to  resurrect  the  dead  body  of  the  old  Whig  party.' 
I  would  secure  the  vote  of  that  party  and  no  more  and  our  de- 
feat would  follow  as  a  matter  of  course.  But,  I  can  suggest 
a  name  that  will  secure  not  only  the  old  Whig  vote,  but 
enough  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  to  give  us  the  victory.  That 
name  is  Col.  William  H.  Bissell."  This  was  before  the  con- 
vention of  editors  held  at  Decatur,  Illinois,  February  22,  1856. 
The  political  sagacity  of  Lincoln  was  never  better  illustrated 
than  in  this  selection  of  Colonel  Bissell.  The  state  had  been 
in  the  hands  of  the  Democratic  party  since  the  time  when  Ed- 
wards made  his  independent  and  successful  campaign  for  gov- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  139 

ernor,  nearly  thirty  years  previous.  The  bitter  rivalry  ex- 
isting between  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties  would  pre- 
vent any  accession  of  votes  to  the  new  party  from  the  Demo- 
crats unless  a  reformed  Democrat,  a  Republican  was  nomi- 
nated. 

This  suggestion  of  Lincoln's  seems  to  have  been  accepted 
by  every  one,  for  when  the  Republican  convention  met  in 
Bloomington  on  May  29,  1856,  by  unanimous  consent  Colonel 
Bissell  was  nominated  for  governor. 

Colonel  Bissell  had  been  an  invalid  for  three  years,  al- 
though from  the  nature  of  his  disease  no  one  had  supposed  he 
would  be  unable  to  perform  the  duties  of  governor,  if  elected. 
He  was  paralyzed  in  the  lower  portion  of  his  body  and  was 
obliged  to  move  about  with  crutches  or  in  a  chair.  At  the 
time  of  the  notification  of  his  nomination  he  frankly  stated 
to  the  committee  that  his  health  was  such  that  he  could  not 
promise  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  campaign. 

The  Democrats  seized  upon  the  report  of  his  physical 
condition  as  an  objection  to  his  election.  Their  newspapers 
and  public  speakers  emphasized  and  multiplied  the  rumors  of 
his  malady.  Exaggerated  reports  were  made  that  his  mind 
as  well  as  his  body  was  seriously  affected  and  that  he  had  no 
less  trouble  than  softening  of  the  brain.  One  can  imagine  the 
prejudicial  deductions  which  could  be  formed  on  information 
of  this  kind.  How  could  he  perform  the  executive  duties  of 
this  high  office?  He  would  be  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  unscrupu- 
lous politicians.  Certainly  a  sorry  person  to  occupy  the  gu- 
bernatorial chair.  The  campaign  was  one  of  the  most  ex- 
citing that  had  ever  taken  place  in  this  state,  for  in  addition 
to  the  local  interests  there  was  above  all  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
question,  the  key  note  of  the  national  campaign. 

The  Republican  managers  became  alarmed  at  these  asser- 
tions of  the  Democrats  and  they  realized  that  there  was  great 
danger  of  Bissell's  defeat  and  of  the  defeat  with  him  of  the  Re- 
publican ticket  in  this  state.  If  he  could  only  be  brought  before 
the  people,  it  could  be  shown  that  his  mind  was  as  active  and 
as  clear  as  in  his  palmiest  days.  It  was  remembered  that  two 


140  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

years  before  he  had  stumped  his  district  delivering  his  speeches 
seated  in  a  chair  or  carriage  and  was  elected  to  congress  by  a 
large  majority.  But  now  he  was  too  ill  even  to  be  present  at 
any  of  the  political  meetings.  Time  and  time  again  it  had 
been  advertised  that  he  would  be  at  the  meetings  and  in  every 
instance  he  had  been  unable  to  attend.  The  Democrats  took 
advantage  of  these  failures  and  emphasized  the  danger  of  elect- 
ing a  man  who  could  not  be  depended  upon.  Something  had 
to  be  done. 

There  were  long  and  anxious  meetings  of  the  Republi- 
can managers.  It  was  finally  decided  to  have  him  make  a 
speech.  This  speech  should  then  be  dwelt  upon  by  all  the  Re- 
publican speakers  through  the  state.  This  speech  would  treat 
of  the  issues  of  the  campaign  in  a  lucid  and  commanding  style, 
showing  that  Colonel  Bissell  had  lost  none  of  his  eloquence  or 
his  ability  to  form  stately  periods.  This,  it  was  conjectured, 
would  be  proof  positive  that  though  unable  to  perambulate  he 
was  still  in  possession  of  his  mental  faculties,  and  that  his 
voice  could  ring  out  as  clear  and  commanding  as  on  the  plains 
of  Mexico.  The  meeting  was  held  at  his  home  in  Belleville. 
There  were  speakers  from  other  parts  of  the  country.  Colonel 
Bissell  reclined  in  a  chair  on  a  plaform  surrounded  by  friends 
and  neighbors.  There  was  much  enthusiasm  as  he  com-! 
menced  and  this  enthusiasm  continued  in  one  form  or  another 
throughout  the  entire  speech.  There  was  so  much  of  it,  to- 
gether with  other  noise  and  confusion  that  not  many  of  the 
audience  could  distinguish  a  word  that  was  said.  The  Re- 
publican speakers  then  went  through  the  state  and  at  every 
opportunity  spoke  of  this  wonderful  speech  of  Colonel  Bis- 
sell's ;  that  it  took  an  hour  to  deliver,  etc.  Then  followed  the 
significant  and  unanswerable  argument  that  a  man  who  could 
make  such  a  speech  was  certainly  not  afflicted  with  softening 
of  the  brain, — that  the  stories  of  his  mental  unbalance  were 
untrue  and  were  maliciously  circulated.  In  view  of  the  state- 
ments, made  in  his  speech,  logically  and  coherently  put  to- 
gether, there  was  no  doubt  of  Colonel  BisselFs  ability  to  per- 
form the  duties  of  governor  should  he  be  elected.  This  strata- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  141 

gem  had  the  desired  effect  and  completely  silenced  the  attacks 
of  the  Democrats  on  this  point.  It  was  the  only  speech  made 
by  him  during  the  campaign. 

It  was  during  this  campaign  that  his,  not  altogether  fort- 
unate experience  with  Jefferson  Davis  in  congress,  was  re- 
vived and  assumed  an  entirely  different  aspect.  Under  the 
constitution  of  1848,  in  addition  to  the  customary  oath  the 
following  oath  was  required  from  all  persons  elected  or  ap- 
pointed before  entering  upon  their  official  duties :  "I  do 
solemnly  swear  (or  affirm  as  the  case  may  be)  that  I  have  not 
fought  a  duel,  nor  sent  or  accepted  a  challenge  to  fight  a  duel, 
the  probable  issue  of  which  might  have  been  the  death  of  either 
party,  nor  been  a  second  to  either  party,  nor  in  any  manner 
aided  or  assisted  in  such  duel,  nor  been  knowingly  the  bearer 
of  such  challenge  or  acceptance  since  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitution, and  that  I  will  not  be  so  engaged  or  concerned  di- 
rectly or  indirectly  in  or  about  any  such  duel  during  my  con- 
tinuance in  office,  so  help  me  God."  Another  section  of  the 
constitution  makes  any  person  ineligible  to  any  office  of  honor 
or  profit  in  this  state  who  have  fought  a  duel  or  who  shall  have 
sent  or  accepted  a  challenge. 

The  pro-slavery  papers  made  a  terrible  out-cry  against 
Bissell  for  having  accepted  a  challenge  from  Davis.  They 
claimed  that  if  he  should  be  elected  and  took  this  oath  of  office 
he  would  become  a  perjurer.  He  could  not  deny  accepting  the 
challenge;  he  could  not  omit  or  modify  the  oath  of  office,  and 
it  seemed  as  if  the  Democrats  had  made  out  a  good  case.  But, 
it  wras  soon  discovered  that  Colonel  Richardson,  who  was  run- 
ning against  Bissell  on  the  Democratic  ticket  had  been  engaged 
in  a  number  of  "affairs  of  honor"  at  Washington,  acting  as  sec- 
ond and  in  other  ways  was  openly  violating  the  prescribed  oath. 
Should  he  be  elected,  he  too  would  become  a  perjurer  after  sub- 
scribing to  the  oath.  Notwithstanding  this  fact,  the  attacks  on 
Colonel  Bissell  were  viciously  and  outrageously  continued.  Pa- 
pers like  the  "Chicago  Times,"  "Springfield  Register,"  and 
the  "Quincy  Herald"  were  relentless.  Instigated  by  Douglas, 
Don  Morrison,  Richardson  and  other  Democratic  leaders,  they 


142  Anti-Nebraska  Bepublican 

employed  every  sort  of  political  mud-slinging  to  besmirch,  if 
possible,  the  character  of  Bissell.  When  we  read  the  accounts 
of  that  canvass  in  the  newspapers  we  shudder  at  the  thought 
that  such  methods  of  personal  attack  and  villainy  were  ever 
permitted.  It  expressed  to  a  pitiful  degree  the  intensity  of 
party  feeling  and  strife  in  that  campaign.  However,  with  all 
this  abuse  the  people  for  the  Union  and  for  freedom  remained 
firm  and  loyal  to  their  cause  and  carried  Colonel  Bissell  with 
the  state  ticket  in  office  by  nearly  5,000  majority. 

Now,  that  Colonel  Bissell  was  duly  installed  and  had 
taken  the  oath  of  office  as  governor  another  event  occurred 
which  brought  this  duel  again  to  notice.  It  seemed  to  pursue 
him  like  an  evil  demon. 

In  the  closing  part  of  his  inaugural  message  to  the  gen- 
eral assembly  he  refers  to  the  subject  then  uppermost  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  as  follows : 

"The  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  into  our  new 
national  territory,  although  not  forming  any  part  of  state 
politics,  was  nevertheless  so  prominent  a  feature  in  the  late 
canvass  as  to  create  the  expectation  perhaps,  that  I  should  on 
this  occasion  say  something  concerning  it. 

"Up  to  the  time  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
I  had  ever  considered  the  existence  of  slavery  with  the  United 
States  as  an  anomaly  in  our  Republican  system,  tolerated  by 
necessity  springing  from  the  actual  presence  of  the  institution 
among  us  when  our  constitution  was  adopted. 

"The  provisions  in  the  constitution  for  a  slave  basis  of 
representation  and  for  the  reclamation  of  fugitives  from  labor, 
I  had  supposed,  and  still  suppose,  were  admitted  there  upon  the 
necessity  and  that  such  were  also  the  views  of  a  vast  majority 
of  the  American  people  both  north  and  south,  I  had  until  the 
introduction  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  never  doubted. 

"But  the  introduction,  progress  and  passage  of  that  meas- 
ure, together  with  the  course  of  argument  made  to  sustain  it, 
forced  me  reluctantly  to  the  conclusion  that  if  finally  successful 
slavery  is  no  longer  to  be  considered  or  treated  as  anomalous 
in  our  system,  but  is  rather  thenceforward  to  be  a  leading  and 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  143 

favorite  element  of  society,  to  be  politically  recognized  as 
such,  and  to  which  all  else  must  bend  and  conform. 

"This  conclusion  is  strengthened  not  a  little  by  the  sub- 
sequent administration  of  the  measure  in  the  same  hands 
which  originated  and  matured  it.  Considering  that  we  are  an 
intelligent  people  living  in  an  enlightened  age  and  professing 
the  peaceful  doctrines  of  Christianity,  and  a  love  of  liberty 
above  all  things  earthly,  it  may  be  well  doubted  whether  when 
the  world's  history  shall  have  been  written  to  its  close,  it  will 
contain  a  more  extraordinary  page  than  that  which  shall  re- 
cord the  history  of  Kansas  in  1855  and  1856. 

"Forced  to  the  conclusion  stated  a  large  portion  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  myself  among  them,  have  resisted  the  con- 
summation as  we  best  could;  and  believing  that  not  the  fate  of 
the  negro  alone,  but  the  liberties  of  the  white  man, — of  all 
men,  are  involved  in  the  issue,  we  shall  continue  to  resist  ac- 
cording to  our  best  ability. 

"In  doing  this  we  shall  ever  be  careful  neither  to  forget 
or  disregard  the  value  of  the  Union,  the  obligations  of  the 
constitution,  nor  even  the  courtesies  due  our  brethren  of  the 
south." 

This  extract  from  the  message  precipitated  an  acrimoni- 
ous debate  in  the  house,  which  continued  for  nearly  seven 
days.  Following  the  usual  precedents  a  motion  was  made  to 
print  20,000  copies,  the  same  number  voted  for  the  message 
of  Governor  Mattison,  Governor  Bissell's  immediate  prede- 
cessor. The  young  man  who  was  responsible  for  provoking 
this  discussion  was  known  as  the  "Ajax  of  the  Democracy." 
He  was  earnest,  honest,  patriotic,  unpolished,  audacious, 
plucky  and  ambitious.  This  was  the  fresh  period  of  his  politi- 
cal life.  He  had  a  certain  kind  of  coarse,  angular  ability 
(often  misdirected,)  which  only  the  rough  usages  of  experi- 
ence could,  and  did  develop  and  refine.  John  A.  Logan  was 
a  member  from  Franklin  county;  he  moved  an  amendment  to 
print  10,000  copies  of  the  inaugural  message.  He  occupied 
much  of  the  time  in  a  fruitless  and  vain-glorious  effort  to 
prove  Governor  Bissell's  ineligibility  to  office  and  his  quasi  or 
real  perjury  or  perfidy  in  taking  the  necessary  oath. 


144  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

All  the  stock  arguments  used  in  the  recent  campaign  were 
again  ''threshed  over"  and  were  made  to  do  service  for  both 
parties. 

Mr.  Arnold  made  the  principal  speech  in  defence  of  Gov- 
ernor Bissell.  Rising  above  the  personalities  in  which  Logan 
attempted  to  entangle  him, — in  a  dispassionate,  dignified  and 
logical  manner,  he  reviewed  the  arguments  of  the  opposition. 
He  disposed  of  Mr.  Logan  in  a  brief  sentence,  he  said,  "Gov- 
ernor Mattison  shows  that  a  man  may  be  a  party  man  without 
ceasing  to  be  a  gentleman.  Sir,  I  commend  the  example  of 
Governor  Mattison  to  the  consideration  of  the  member  from 
Franklin." 

Governor  Bissell  could  not  be  justly  charged  with  hav- 
ing violated  the  spirit  or  strict  interpretation  of  the  constitu- 
tion. His  adventure  with  Jefferson  Davis  had  taken  place 
outside  of  the  state. 

This  fierce  and  long  debate  was  finally  terminated  and  the 
Democrats  being  in  the  majority,  the  motion  by  Mr.  Logan 
by  a  strict  party  vote  was  carried.  It  was  done  for  political 
effect  and  Governor  Bissell  was  duly  installed  in  office  and 
could  not  be  ousted;  about  the  only  gratification  the  Demo- 
crats derived  from  the  debate  was  the  irritation  and  ill-feeling 
engendered  by  it.  Governor  Bissell  lost  none  of  his  popularity 
by  the  calumnious  assault,  but  on  the  contrary  gained  the  sym- 
pathy and  esteem  of  many  persons  who  believed  he  had  been 
unfairly  and  unjustly  treated. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  legislature  met  as  a  mob  and 
ended  in  a  rout.  The  Democrats  were  in  the  majority  and 
everything  that  could  be  done,  was  clone  to  humiliate  the  ex- 
ecutive, to  deny  to  him  the  usual  rights  and  privileges  of  his 
office.  An  apportionment  bill  had  been  introduced  by  the  Re- 
publicans based  on  the  census  of  1855.  The  population  of 
Illinois  had  increased  447,781,  nearly  one-third  of  her  entire 
population  in  five  years.  This  increase  was  largely  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  state,  where  the  Republicans  were  the 
dominant  party.  This  bill  was  most  stubbornly  resisted  by  the 
Democrats  who  offered  a  substitute.  The  latter  practically 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  145 

disfranchised  70,000  voters  of  the  state.  The  Democratic  bill 
was  passed  near  the  end  of  the  session  and  was  sent  to  the 
governor  for  his  signature.  At  the  same  time  there  were 
many  other  bills  sent  to  the  executive  for  approval,  among 
which  was  the  appropriation  bill.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Governor  Bissell  to  approve  the  latter  and  veto  the  apportion- 
ment bill,  but  by  an  oversight  the  reverse  took  place.  When 
it  is  known  how  largewas  the  number  of  bills  to  be  passed  upon 
toward  the  close  of  the  session,  no  one  will  be  surprised  that 
this  accident  should  have  occurred. 

On  February  16,  1857,  there  were  154  acts  approved  by 
Governor  Bissell,  on  February  17,  43  acts  and  on  February  18. 
149. 

As  soon  as  the  mistake  was  discovered  the  governor  re- 
called the  Apportionment  bill  and  attempted  to  correct  the  error 
by  erasing  his  name ;  this  led  to  a  determined  fight  which  con- 
tinued till  the  final  adjournment  of  the  legislature  late  in  the 
night.  The  Democrats  carried  this  question  by  mandamus  to 
the  supreme  court  to  determine  its  validity.  That  tribunal 
gave  them  an  adverse  opinion.  The  court  held  that  while  a 
bill  is  in  the  possession  and  control  of  the  executive  within  the 
period  limited  by  the  constitution  it  has  not  the  force  of  law, 
and  he  may  exercise  a  veto  power  and  so  return  to  the  house 
where  it  originated  with  his  name  erased,  notwithstanding  he 
had  once  announced  his  approval  of  it.  Governor  Bissell  was 
thus  vindicated  although  the  result  was  accomplished  by  tre- 
mendous anxiety  and  effort. 

Lincoln  once  said,  "that  honest  statesmanship  was  the  em- 
ployment of  individual  meannesses  for  the  public  good."  It 
was  Governor  Bissell's  misfortune  to  demonstrate,  that  he  was 
according  to  this  definition,  an  honest  statesman;  for  of  all 
the  legislatures  that  an  executive  in  this  state  has  had  to  cope 
with,  those  of  1857  and  1859  were  the  meanest  and  most  ex- 
asperating. 

"In  the  annals  of  this  state  no  public  man  was  ever  sub- 
jected to  contumely  so  gross,  abuse  more  harrowing,  or  pur- 
sued with  malice  more  vindictive;  and  that  these  cruelties 
caused  Governor  Bissell  many  a  heart  pang,  casting  a  shadow 


146  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

over  his  exalted  position,  is  not  a  foreign  inference."  It  was 
his  fate  to  be  ever  fighting  with  large  odds  against  him.  His 
mind  seemed  to  clear  and  to  act  with  unerring  judgment  and 
brilliancy  in  the  midst  of  danger  or  exciting  debate.  A  less 
able  or  courageous  person  in  like  circumstances  would  become 
disconcerted.  Such  situations,  however,  acted  as  a  stimulant 
to  his  mind  and  brought  out  the  very  best  in  him.  In  this 
particular,  more  than  in  any  other,  reposed  the  elements  of  his 
greatness. 

He  would  not  knowingly  provoke  a  controversy  except 
to  establish  a  principle  An  impartial  and  just  consideration 
of  his  life  cannot  fail  to  ascribe  to  him  those  superior  virtues, 
patience  and  kindness.  "He  forebore  long  ere  he  raised  his 
hand  to  parry  an  assault."  Although  suffering  from  a  long 
and  incurable  disease,  he  was  never  known  to  murmur  or  com- 
plain. Heinrich  Heine  was  paralyzed  in  much  the  same  way 
as  Governor  Bissell  but  the  cause  in  his  case  lay  in  his  own  ex- 
cess and  evil  habits.  He,  always  despondent  and  complaining ; 
full  of  remorse  cried  out  in  his  despair;  "That  man  was  no 
longer  a  two-legged  god ;  that  he  was  no  more  a  divine  biped." 
Governor  Bissell  on  the  contrary,  conscious  only  of  his  affliction 
the  result  of  an  accident  when  a  boy,  had  none  of  that  torture 
of  mind.  With  the  same  fortitude  which  characterized  Gen- 
eral Grant  in  his  last  memorable  illness  he  worked  on,  perform- 
ing the  duties  of  his  office  with  a  composure  and  a  grandeur 
of  character  that  was  heroic. 

"The  man  that  makes  character  makes  foes"  and  like  all 
statesmen  Governor  Bissell  made  enemies  and  created  opposi- 
tion by  reason  of  his  superior  talents  and  the  fearlessness 
which  brooked  no  shallowness  or  injustice.  He  was  a  poli- 
tician and  a  statesman  with  enlarged  views.  Elevated  on  such 
a  plane  he  despised  demagogism.  In  whatever  occupation  he 
engaged  he  aspired  by  all  honorable  and  just  means  to  succeed, 
and  it  is  not  recorded  in  any  page  of  our  history  that  he 
failed. 

In  March,  1860,  Governor  Bissell  contracted  a  severe  cold 
which  soon  developed  into  pneumonia.  His  constitution  al- 
ready weakened  by  illness  since  1853,  was  unable  to  withstand 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  147 

the  assault  of  this  new  enemy,  and  in  a  few  days,  with  his  mind 
unclouded  to  the  last,  his  noble  spirit  passed  away.  He  was 
in  his  forty-eighth  year  and  had  he  lived  nine  months  longer 
liis  term  of  office  would  have  expired.  He  is  the  only  gov- 
ernor of  Illinois  who  has  died  while  in  office. 

He  died  at  a  time  when  people  were  busy  preparing  for 
the  political  canvass  which  was  to  make  Abraham  Lincoln 
president,  and  which  was  soon  to  lead  to  the  marshaling  of 
great  armies  for  the  impending  conflict  which  he  had  so  clearly 
foreseen  and  foretold.  The  distinguished  services  which  it 
was  Governor  Bissell's  privilege  to  render  in  behalf  of  his  be- 
loved state  were  not  forgotten.  In  1867,  the  general  assembly 
of  Illinois  in  recognition  of  these  services  and  as  an  expression 
of  the  honor  and  esteem  which  the  people  of  this  great  state  de- 
sired to  bestow  on  his  memory  (a  distinction  unlike  that  ac- 
cordecT  to  any  other  man  in  this  state  except  Lincoln  and 
Logan)  voted  the  sum  of  $s,ooo  for  his  monument. 

In  accordance  with  the  wish  of  his  family  and  the  act  of 
the  legislature  the  remains  of  Governor  Bissell  and  those  of  his 
wife  were  to  be  transferred  from  the  Hutchinson  cemetery  to 
Oak  Ridge  cemetery  at  Springfield.  In  June,  1871,  the  mon- 
ument was  completed  and  its  dedication,  and  the  removal  of 
the  honored  dead,  was  made  the  occasion  of  an  imposing  cere- 
mony in  which  all  the  officers  and  members  of  the  state  and 
military  departments  participated. 

Governor  John  M.  Palmer  who  had  known  Governor  Bis- 
sell for  many  years  and  who  had  been  intimately  associated  with 
Tiim  in  the  political  campaigns  of  the  state,  was  the  orator.  He 
paid  a  high  tribute  to  the  character  and  great  ability  of  Gov- 
enor  Bissell.  He  reviewed  many  of  his  political  achievements 
and  accorded  to  him  superior  gifts  as  an  orator,  a  patriot  and 
a  statesman.  Within  the  span  of  sixteen  brief  years  he  had 
emerged  from  the  obscure  life  of  a  country  school  teacher, 
gradually  advancing  and  mastering  the  subjects  of  medicine, 
law,  army  codes  and  politics.  In  this  time  he  had  been  hon- 
ored by  his  state  as  prosecuting  attorney,  legislator,  congress- 
man and  governor.  Considering  that  all  these  things  were 
-acquired  amid  trials  and  much  sickness;  considering  his  hon- 


148  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

orable  and  blameless  character;  that  he  should  have  risen  from 
a  position  so  humble  by  the  unaided  influence  of  his  own  power 
to  the  conspicuous  ones  which  he  occupied,  is  at  once  a  gratify- 
ing tribute  to  his  genius  and  a  worthy  example  full  of  encour- 
agement to  American  youth. 

Speaking  briefly  of  the  Davis-Bissell  episode  Governor 
Palmer  said,  "Whether  the  acceptance  of  the  challenge  was 
justifiable,  depends  upon  all  the  attending  circumstances.  The 
challenge  was  not  addressed  alone  to  Bissell  but  to  his  state 
and  the  whole  north." 


Official  Record  of  Convention. 

-•» 

THE  JOURNAL. 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  30,  1856. 

,  THE   CONVENTION. 

(Editorial).  "The  state  Anti-Nebraska  Convention 
closed  its  labors  last  evening,  its  deliberations  having  been  char- 
acterized by  the  greatest  harmony.  We  surrender  a  large  por- 
tion of  our  space  today  to  an  official  report  of  the  proceedings 
which  may  be  found  elsewhere,  and  will  claim  the  attention 
of  the  reader.  The  ticket  presented  by  the  convention  is  one 
that  combines  great  strength,  and  which  it  will  only  require 
an  active  and  united  effort  to  elect.  The  enthusiasm  of  those 
in  attendance  at  the  convention,  and  the  joy  with  which  the  re- 
sult of  its  labors  has  been  received,  gives  good  assurance  that 
this  effort  will  be  put  forth.  We  shall  take  early  occasion  to 
refer  to  the  ticket  more  at  length,  and  in  the  meantime  we  cor- 
dially commend  it  to  all  men  opposed  to  the  advancement  of  the 
pro-slavery  party  now  in  power." 

THE  NEBRASKA  STATE  CONVENTION. 

In  pursuance  of  the  public  call,  the  Illinois  "Anti-Nebras- 
ka" state  convention  met  in  Major  Hall,  Bloomington,  May  29, 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  149 

1856,  and  was  called  to  order  by  George  T.  Brown,  of  Madison 
county,  on  whose  motion  Hon.  Archibald  Williams,  of  Adams 
county,  was  chosen  temporary  chairman  and  Henry  S.  Baker, 
of  Madison  county  was  appointed  secretary. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Judd,of  Cook  county,  George  T.  Brown, 
of  Madison  county,  was  requested  to  assist  the  secretary  in  the 
organization  of  the  convention. 

On  motion  the  secretary  was  instructed  to  call  the  several 
counties  of  the  state,  in  their  alphabetical  order,  which  being 
done,  the  following  delegates  appeared  and  presented  their  cre- 
dentials, viz : 

Adams,  8  delegates — A.  Williams,  W.  B.  Powers,  E.  A. 
Dudley,  Jno.  Tillson.  A.  G.  Pearson,  George  W.  Burns,  James 
E.  Furness  and  O.  H.  Browning. 

Bond,   i. — J.  F.  Alexander. 

Boone,  2. — Luther  W.  Lawrence  and  Ralph  Roberts. 

Bureau,  3. — Charles  C.  Kelsey,  George  Radcliff  and  Geo. 
W.  Stipp,  Jr. 

Calhoun,   i. — F.  W.  Kersting. 

Carroll,   i.— D.  H.  Wheeler. 

Cass,   i. — B.  R.  Frohook. 

Champaign.  2. — J.  W.  Jaquith,  Elisha  Harkness. 

Christian,   i. — W.  G.  Crosswaithe. 

Coles,  4. — T.  A.  Marshall,  A.  Compton,  William  Glas 
gow  and  George  C.  Harding. 

Cook,  17. — G.  Goodrich,  F.  C.  Sherman,  Wm.  A.  James, 
A.  H.  Dolton,  James  McKie,  Geo.  Schneider,  John  Wentworth, 
C.  H.  Ray,  J.L.  Scripps,  C.L.  Wilson,  Samuel  Hoard,  A.  Aikin, 
H.  H.  Yates,  I.  N.  Arnold,  N.  B.  Judd,  J.  W.  Waughop  and 
Mark  Skinner. 

DeKalb,  3.— Wm.  Patton,  Wm.  J.  Hunt  and  James  H. 
Beveridge. 

DeWitt,  2. — S.  F.  Lewis  and  J.  F.  Lemon. 

DuPage,  3.— W.  B.  Blanchard,  S.  P.  Sedgwick  and  J.  W. 
Smith. 

Edgar,  2. — L.  Munsell  and  R.  B.  Southerland. 


150  Anti-  Nebraska  Convention 

Edwards,   i. — Wm.  Pickering. 

Fulton,  5.— W.  P.  Kellogg,  Robert  Carter,  S.  N.  Breed, 
T.  N.  Hassan  and  H.  D.  Phelps. 

Greene,  2. — Daniel  Bowman  and  Joshua  W.  Armstrong. 

Grundy,  2. — Robert  Longworth  and  William  T.  Hop- 
kins. 

Hancock,  4. — John  Rise,  S.  W.  King,  S.  Worley  and  A. 
Simpson. 

Henderson,   i. — W.  D.  Henderson. 

Henry,  2. — J.  H.  Howe,  J.  Mi.  Allen. 

Iroquois,  3. — W.  P.  Pearson,  J.  B.  Joiner,  I.  Bennett. 

Jersey,  2. — Thomas  Cummings,  M.  Corey. 

Jo  Daviess,  4. — Adolph  Meyer,  T.  B.  Lewis,  H.  S.  Town- 
send,  T.  Spraggins. 

Knox,  4. — T.  J.  Hale,  D.  H.  Frisbie,  Jesse  Perdue,  C.  J. 
Sellon. 

Kankakee,  2. — A.  W.  Mack,  Daniel  Parker. 

Kendall,  2. — J.  M.  Crothers,  J.  B.  Lowry. 

Kane,  5.— I.  A.  W.  Buck,  S.  C.  Morey,  G.  W.  Waite,  A. 
Adams,  W.  R.  Baker. 

Lake,  3.— E.  P.  Ferry,  N.  C.  Geer,  Wm.  B.  Dodge. 

LaSalle,  6.— D.  L.  Hough,  J.  A.  McMillan,  David 
Strawn,  Burton  C.  Cook,  Elmer  Baldwin,  C.  H.  Gilman. 

Lee,  2. — E.  M.  Ingals,  J.  V.  Eustace. 

Livingston,  2. — J.  H.  Dart,  David  McWilliams. 

Logan,  2. — J.  L.  Dugger,  S.  C.  Parks. 

McDonough,  2. — L.  H.  Waters,  J.  E.  Wyne. 

McHenry,  6. — S.  P.  Hegale,  Anthony  Woodspur,  C.  W. 
Craig,  \Vesley  Diggins,  Dr.  Abularr,  A.  C.  Joslyn. 

McLean,  3. — James  Gilmore,  Sr.,  Dr.  Harrison  Noble, 
Wm.  W.  Orme,  delegates,  and  A.  T.  Briscoe,  Green  B.  Larri- 
son,  David  Cheney,  alternates. 

Macon,  2. — W.  J.  Usrey,  I.  C.  Ptigh. 

Macoupin,  4.  (?) — J.  M.  Palmer,  John  Logan,  Samuel 
Brown,  Thomas  B.  Lofton,  P.  B.  Solomon,  J.  D.  Marshall, 
James  Wolfe. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  151 

Madison,  8. — F.  S.  Rutherford,  H.  King,  George  Smith, 
M.  G.  Atwood,  H.  S.  Baker,  George  T.  Brown,  John  Trible, 
Gershom  Flagg.* 

Marion,  3. — D.  K.  Green,  T.  W.  Jones,  S.  W.  Cunning- 
ham. 

Marshall,  2. — Robert  Boal,  J.  C.  Tozier. 

Mason,  2.— H.  O'Neal,  R.  P.  Gatton. 

Menard,  2. — M.  T.  Morris,  George  Collier. 

Mercer,  2. — John  W.  Miles.  L.  W.  Myers. 

Montgomery,  3. — Wickliff  Kitchell.  J.  W.  Cassady,  J. 
T.  Eccles. 

Morgan,  20. — R.  Yates,  J.  W.  King,  M.  H.  Cassell,  J. 
B.  Duncan,  J.  J.  Cassell,  R.  McKee,  M.  J.  Pond,  A.  P.  Wood, 
I.  L.  Morrison,  James  Green,  William  L.  Sargeant,  J.  W. 
Strong,  James  Langley,  E.  Lusk,  B.  F.  Stevenson,  J.  N.  D. 
Stout,  A.  Bulkley,  B.  F.  Ford,  J.  Metcalf,  and  J.  Graham. 

Moultrie,   I. — John  A.  Freeland. 

Ogle,  3.— Charles  C.  Royce,  F.  A.  McMill,  G.  W.  South- 
wick. 

Peoria,  5.— J.  D.  Arnold,  B.  L.  T.  Bourland,  R.  Scholst, 
George  T.  Harding,  T.  J.  Pickett. 

Piatt,   i.— P.  K.  Hall. 

Pike,  10. — John  G.  Nicolay,  Wm.  Ross,  M.  Ross,  J. 
Grimshaw,  T.  Worthington,  W.  E.  Elder,  J.  Hall,  M.  J. 
Noyes,  D.  H.  Gilmer,  O.  M.  Hatch. 

Putnam,   I. — B.  C.  Lundy. 

Randolph,  5. — Thomas  McClurken,  Casper  Horn,  J.  C. 
Holbrook,  F.  B.  Anderson,  B.  J.  F.  Hanna. 

Rock  Island,  3.— N.  C.  Turrell,  R.  H.  Andrews,  John  V. 
Cook,  Ira  O.  Wilkinson. 

St.  Clair.5. — Dr.  Charles  Vincenz,  J.  B.  Hoppe,  Francis 
Wenzell,  N.  Niles,  F.  A.  Carpenter. 

Sangamon,  n. — A.  Lincoln,  Wm.  H.  Herndon,  J.  C. 
Conkling,  J.  B.  Weber,  Preston  Breckenridge,  Wm.  Jayne,  R. 
H.  Ballinger,  Pascal  P.  Enos,  Wm.  H.  Bailhache,  E.  L.  Baker, 
Peter  Earnest. 


*William  C.  Flagg,  the  son  of  Gershom  Flagg,  also  attended  the  convention,  and 
m  the  proceedings  seems  to  have  acted  as  a  member  of  it  — SKC'T  HIST.  Soc. 


152  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

Schuyler,  2.— -John  Clark,  N.  G.  Wilcox. 

Scott,  4. — N.  M.  Knapp,  John  Moses,  James  B.  Young, 
M.  James. 

Stark,   i. — T.  J.  Henderson. 

Stephenson,  4. — M.  P.  Sweet,  John  H.  Davis,  George 
Nolbrecht,  H.  N.  Hibbard. 

Tazewell,  5. — D.  Cheever,  D.  Kyes,  H.  Clark,  George  W. 
Shaw,  John  M.  Busch. 

Union,   i. — D.  L.  Phillips. 

Vermilion,  3. — Joseph  Peters,  Martin  Bourchall,  A.  T. 
Harrison. 

Warren,  2. — A.  C.  Harding,  E.  A.  Paine. 

Washington,  2. — J.  Miller,  D.  Kennedy. 

Whiteside,  2. — William    Manahan,   William     Prothrow, 

Will,  io.— G.  D.  A.  Parks,  W.  Wright,  J.  T.  Daggett, 
Wm.  B.  Hewitt,  H.  T.  Logan,  A.  Mclntosh,  S.  Anderson,  J. 
O.  Norton,  Ichabod  Codding,  P.  Stewart. 

Winnebago,  4. — F.  Burnass,  W.  Lyman,  S.  M'.  Church, 
T.  D.  Robertson. 

Woodford,  2.— C.  D.  Banta,  R.  T.  Cassell. 

O.  H.  Browning,  of  Adams,  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  was  unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  nine,  consisting  of  one 
from  each  congressional  district  be  appointed  to  report  officers 
for  the  permanent  organization  of  the  convention. 

Whereupon  the  chair  appointed  the  following  as  the  com- 
mittee: First  district,  S.  M.  Church;  second  district,  N.  B. 
Judd;  third  district,  B.  C.  Cook;  Fourth  district,  Robert  Car- 
ter; fifth  district,  O.  H.  Browning;  sixth  district,  J.  C.  Conk- 
ling;  seventh  district,  S.  C.  Parks;  eighth  district,  N.  Niles; 
ninth  district,  David  L.  Phillips. 

On  motion  of  Richard  Yates,  of  Morgan  the  following 
resolution  was  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  all  the  delegates  in  attendance  be  permit- 
ted to  take  their  seats  and  act  as  members  of  this  convention, 
casting  however  one  vote  of  their  respective  counties. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  153 

The  committee  appointed  to  report  permanent  officers  for 
the  convention,  by  Hon.  O.  H.  Browning,  its  chairman,  made 
the  following  report : 

FOR  PRESIDENT. 

John  M.  Palmer,  of  Macoupin. 

FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

J.  A.  Davis,  of  Stephenson. 
William  Ross,  of  Pike. 
James  McKie,  of  Cook. 
J.  H.  Bryant,  of  Bureau. 

A.  C.  Harding,  of  Warren. 
Richard  Yates,  of  Morgan. 
H.  C.  Johns,  of  Platt. 
George  Smith,  of  Madison. 
D.  L.  Phillips,  of  Union. 
T.  A.  Marshall,  of  Coles. 

J.  M.  Ruggles,  of  Mason. 
G.  D.  A.  Parks,  of  Will. 
John  Clark,  of  Schuyler. 

FOR  SECRETARIES. 

H.  S.  Baker,  of  Madison. 
C.  L.  Wilson,  of  Cook. 
John  Tillson,  of  Adams. 
Washington  Bushnell,  of  LaSalle. 

B.  J.  F.  Hanna,  of  Randolph. 

Which  report  was  received  and  unanimously  adopted. 

Hon.  John  M.  Palmer,  on  taking  the  chair,  thanked  the 
convention  for  the  honor  conferred  on  him  in  an  elegant  and 
able  address. 

On  motion  of  N.  B.  Judd,  of  Cook,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  nine,  consisting  of  one 
from  each  congressional  district,  be  appointed  to  report  resolu- 
tions for  the  action  of  this  convention. 


154 


Anti-Nebraska  Republican 


Whereupon,  the  president  appointed  the  following  as  that 
committee : 

First  district,  G.  Walbrecht ;  second  district,  N.  B.  Judd ; 
third  district,  O.  Lovejoy;  fourth  district,  A.  C.  Harding;  fifth 
district,  O.  H.  Browning;  sixth  district,  Wickliff  Kitchell; 
seventh  district,  S.  C.  Parks;  eighth  district,  Charles  Vincenz; 
ninth  district,  D.  L.  Phillips. 


RICHARD  YATES 

Born  in  Kentucky  January  18,  1818;  died 
November  27,  1873;  moved  to  Illinois  in  1831, 
admitted  to  the  bar,  member  legislature  1842 
to  1849;  1850  elected  to  congress,  Governor  of 
Illinois  1861  to  1865  and  U.  S.  Senator  1865  to 
1871. 

By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the  Cen- 
tury Co. 


Leander  Munsell,  of  Edgar,  nominated  W.  H.  BISSELL, 
of  St.  Clair  county,  for  governor. 

Mr.  Rutherford  moved  that  no  nomination  be  made,  but 
that  this  convention  confirm  the  nomination  of  Colonel  Bissell, 
which  the  people  have  already  made. 

G.  T.  Brown,  of  Madison,  desired  before  any  action  was 
taken,  to  read  to  the  convention  a  letter  he  had  received  from 
Colonel  Bissell,  which  he  read  as  follows : 

BELLEVILLE,  ILL.,  May  24,  1856. 
George  T.  Brown,  Esq.,  Alton,  III. 

DEAR  SIR  :  Having  reason  to  apprehend  that  my  name 
may  be  presented  to  the  convention  as  a  candidate  for  governor, 
I  deem  it  proper  to  place  in  your  hands,  to  be  used  there,  should 
occasion  arise,  a  simple  statement  of  the  condition  of  my  health, 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  155 

in  order  that  there  may  be  no  mistake  or  misapprehension  in  re- 
gard to  it. 

The  illness  from  which  I  have  suffered  for  the  last  three 
years  has  left  me  with  impaired  vigor  in  my  lower  limbs,  so 
that  in  walking  I  still  require  the  use  of  a  cane,  and  the  aid  of  a 
friendly  arm.  From  this  infirmity,  however,  I  am  slowly  re- 
covering, and  have  every  reason  to  expect  final  and  complete 
restoration.  My  general  health  is  perfectly  good — never  was 
better ;  and  my  capacity  for  business  not  requiringmuch  locomo- 
tion, precisely  what  it  ever  was.  But  I  cannot  promise,  in  the 
event  of  becoming  a  candidate,  to  take  the  stump,  or  address 
the  people  of  the  state  generally — and  this  is  a  matter  which  I 
trust  you  will  consider.  If  I  continue  to  improve,  as  I  have 
every  reason  to  expect,  I  shall  unquestionably  make  some 
speeches,  if  desirable,  but  I  cannot  promise  to  perambulate  the 
state  as  some  might  wish. 

If,  in  view  of  these  facts,  the  convention  deem  it  proper  to 
nominate  me,  I  shall  not  decline  the  honor,  though  I  say,  in  all 
candor,  I  prefer  that  the  nomination  should  fall  on  another  in- 
dividual ;  and  should  that  happen,  you  can  rely  upon  my  most 
zealous  and  cheerful  efforts  in  his  behalf.  Yours  truly, 

WM.  H.  BISSELL. 

Whereupon  the  entire  convention  rose,  and  with  nine  long, 
loud,  and  hearty  cheers,  declared  that  the  nomination  of  COL. 
WM.  H.  BISSELL,  of  St.  Clair  county,  by  the  people  of  Illinois, 
as  their  candidate  for  governor,  was  then  and  there  unani- 
mously confirmed. 

On  motion  of  N.  Niles,  Esq.,  of  St.  Clair  county,  it  was 
unanimously 

"Resolved,  That  FRANCIS  A.  HOFFMAN,  of  DuPage 
county,  be  declared  the  Anti-Nebraska  candidate  for  the  office 
of  lieutenant-governor  of  the  state  of  Illinois,  at  the  coming 
election  in  November." 

Which  resolution  was  received  by  the  entire  convention 
with  long  and  loud  cheering. 


156  Anti  Nebraska  Republican 

On  motion,  it  was 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  nine,  including  one  from 
each  congressional  district,  be  appointed  by  the  chair,  to  re- 
port to  the  convention  suitable  candidates  for  the  other  state 
offices." 

Whereupon  the  chair  appointed  the  following  as  such 
committee : 

First  district,  L.  W.  Lawrence;  second  district,  Cyrus 
Aldrich;  third  district,  W.  W.  Orme;  fourth  district,  J.  D. 
Arnold;  fifth  district,  A.  Williams;  sixth  district,  A.  Lincoln; 
seventh  district,  T.  A.  Marshall ;  eighth  district,  Thomas  Mc- 
Clurken;  ninth  district,  Benjamin  T.  Wiley. 

On  motion  of  John  Wentworth,  of  Cook,  it  was 
"Resolved.  That  the  delegates  in  attendance  from  the 
several  congressional  districts  be  requested  to  suggest  the  name 
of  one  person  from  each  congressional  district  for  presidential 
elector,  and  three  persons  for  delegates  to  the  national  conven- 
tion to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  on  the  i  /th  proximo ;  and  that  a 
committee  of  nine,  consisting  of  one  from  each  congressional 
district,  be  appointed  by  the  chair  to  recommend  two  suchelect- 
ors  and  six  such  delegates  for  the  state  at  large." 

The  chair  appointed  the  following  as  said  committee : 
First  district,  W.  Diggins ;  second  district,  J.  Wentworth ; 
third  district,  J.  Bennett;  fourth  district,  T.  J.  Pickett;  fifth 
district,  A.  Williams;  sixth  district,  S.  T.  Logan;  seventh  dis- 
trict, J.  L.  Dugger;  eighth  district,  J.  Trible;  ninth  district, 
D.  L.  Phillips. 

The  districts  were  then  called,  and  the  delegates  suggested 
names  as  requested,  which  reports  were  referred  to  the  last 
above  named  committee. 

The  committee  appointed  to  recommend  the  names  of  suit- 
able persons  for  candidates  for  the  several  state  offices  yet 
vacant,  submitted  the  following  report : 

For  secretary  of  state — OZIAS  M:.  HATCH,  of  Pike  county. 

For  state  treasurer — JAMES  MILLER,  of  McLean. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


157 


JAMES  MILLER,  Bloomington,  111. 

Born  November  23,  1795.  Virginia:  died  September  23.  1872,  merchant,  land 
owner,  State  Treasurer  1836  to  1860;  see  GJOd  Old  Times  McLean  County  308  and 
Volume  II,  Transactions  McLean  County  Historical  Society. 


158  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

For  state  auditor — JESSE  K.  DUBOIS,  of  Lawrence. 
For  superintendent  of  common  schools — WM.  H.  POWELL, 
of  Peoria. 

Which  report  was  received  by  the  convention,  and  unani- 
mously adopted. 

With  this  report  the  committee  also  laid  before  the  con- 
vention a  letter  from  James  Miller,  Esq.,  of  McLean  county, 
stating  that  he  had  not  nor  did  he  intend  to  accept  the  nomina- 
tion recently  tendered  him  for  the  office  of  state  treasurer,  by 
the  American  party  of  Illinois ;  that  he  never  had,  nor  did  he 
now  belong  to  that  order. 

The  committee  appointed  to  recommend  the  names  of 
suitable  persons  as  presidential  electors  and  delegates  to  the 
national  convention  submitted  the  following  report,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted 

Electors  for  the  state  at  large — Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Sangamon;  Frederick  Hecker,  of  St.  Clair. 

First  district,  elector — Elisha  P.  Ferry,  of  Lake. 

Second  district,  elector — Jerome  J.  Beardsley,  of  Rock 
Island ;  assistant  elector,  J.  V.  Eustace,  of  Lee. 

Third  district,  elector — William  Fithian,  of  Vermilion; 
assistant,  -  -  Lundy. 

Fourth  district,  elector — T.  Judson  Hale,  of  Knox;  assist- 
ants, T.  J.  Pickett,  of  Peoria,  andWm.  P.  Kellogg,  of  Fulton. 

Fifth  district,  elector — Abraham  Jonas,  of  Adams;  assist- 
ants, James  Stark  and  John  C.  Bagley. 

Sixth  district,  elector — Wm.  H.  Herndon,  of  Sangamon; 
assistant,  N.  M.  Knapp. 

Seventh  district,  elector — H.  P.  H.  Bromwell,  of  Fayette ; 
assistant  S.  C.  Parks. 

Eighth  district,  elector — Friend  S.  Rutherford,  of  Madi- 
son; assistant,  Francis  B.  Anderson,  of  Randolph. 

Ninth  district,  elector — David  L.  Phillips,  of  Union. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  159 

DELEGATES  TO  THE  PHILADELPHIA  CONVENTION. 

For  the  State  at  Large. 

George  Schneider,  of  Cook;  Thomas  J.  Turner,  of 
Stephenson;  J.  O.  Norton,  of  Will;  J.  D.  Arnold,  of  Peoria; 
G.  T.  Brown,  of  Madison ;  J.  B.  Tenny,  of  Logan. 

First  District. 

M.  T.  Sweet,  of  Stephenson;  S.  M.  Church,  of  Winneba- 
go;  W.  A.  Little,  of  Jo  Daviess;  alternates — N.  C.  Geer,  of 
Lake;  A.  C.  Fuller,  of  Boone;  A.  J.  Joslyn,  of  McHenry. 

Second  District. 

Cyrus  Aldrich,  E.  R.  Allen,  N.  B.  Judd;  alternates — 
George  W.  Waite,  Miles  S.  Henry,  Hugh  T.  Dickey. 

Third  District. 

W.  H.  L.  Wallace,  A.  W.  Mack,  Owen  Lovejoy;  alter- 
nates— B.  C.  Cook,  Jesse  Bennett,  Elisha  Harkness. 

Fourth  District. 

T.  J.  Pickett,  of  Peoria;  A.  C.  Harding,  of  Warren;  W.  P. 
Myers,  of  Mercer;  alternates — Daniel  Cheever,  of  Tazewell; 
Silas  Ramsey,  of  Marshall;  J.  H.  Howe,  of  Henry;  W.  P.  Kel- 
logg, of  Fulton;  T.  J.  Henderson,  of  Stark;  J.  D.  Arnold,  of 
Peoria. 

Fifth  District. 

John  Tillson,  C.  B.  Lawrence,  Wm.  Ross;  alternates — C. 
S.  Cowan,  W.  B.  Powers,  N.  G.  Wilcox. 

Si.vth  District. 

John  M.  Palmer,  N.  M.  Knapp,  A.  Lincoln;  alternates — 
P.  P.  Enos,  W.  H.  Bailhache,  M.  Green,  David  Pierson, 
Joseph  Cassel. 

Seventh  District. 

A.  C.Johns,  of  Macon;  Leander  Munsell,  of  Edgar;  A. 
B.  Archer,  of  Clark;  alternates — Anderson  McPheeters,  of 
Moultrie;  T.  A.  Marshall,  of  Coles;  J.  W.  Clemens,  of  Macon. 


160  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Eighth  District. 

M.  G.  Atwood,  of  Madison;  Francis  Grumm,  of  St.  Clair; 
D.  K.  Green,  of  Marion;  alternates — J.  C.  Holbrook,  of  Ran- 
dolph, Dr.  Carpenter,  of  St.  Clair, Miller,  of  Washington. 

Ninth  District. 

B.  L.  Wiley,  of  Union;  Edward  Holden,  of  Jackson; 
John  Olney,  of  Gallatin. 

The  committee  appointed  to  prepare  and  report  resolutions 
expressive  of  the  sense  of  this  convention,  submit  the  follow- 
ing report,  which  was  unanimously  adopted. 

WHEREAS,  The  present  administration  has  prostituted  its 
powers,  and  devoted  all  its  energies  to  the  propagation  of 
slavery,  and  to  its  extension  into  territories  heretofore  dedi- 
cated to  freedom,  against  the  known  wishes  of  the  people  of 
such  territories,  to  the  suppression  of  the  freedom  of  speech, 
and  of  the  press ;  and  to  the  revival  of  the  odious  doctrine  of 
constructive  treason,  which  has  always  been  the  resort  of  ty- 
rants, and  their  most  powerful  engine  of  injustice  and  oppres- 
sion ;  and, 

WHEREAS,  We  are  convinced  that  an  effort  is  making  to 
subvert  the  principles,  and  ultimately  to  change  the  form  of 
our  government,  and  which  it  becomes  all  patriots,  all  who 
love  their  country,  and  the  cause  of  human  freedom  to  resist; 
therefore 

Resolved,  That  foregoing  all  former  differences  of  opin- 
ion upon  other  questions,  we  pledge  ourselves  to  unite  in  op- 
position to  the  present  administration,  and  to  the  party  which 
upholds  and  supports  it,  and  to  use  all  honorable  and  constitu- 
tional means  to  wrest  the  government  from  the  unworthy 
hands  which  now  control  it,  and  bring  it  back  in  its  adminis- 
tration to  the  principles  and  practices  of  Washington,  Jeffer- 
son and  their  great  and  good  compatriots  of  the  revolution. 

Resolved,  That  we  hold,  in  accordance  with  the  opinions 
and  practices  of  all  the  great  statesmen  of  all  parties,  for  the 
first  sixty  years  of  the  administration  of  the  government,  that, 
under  the  constitution,  congress  possesses  full  power  to  pro- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  161 

hibit  slavery  in  the  territories ;  and  that  whilst  we  will  main- 
tain all  constitutional  rights  of  the  south,  we  also  hold  that  jus- 
tice, humanity,  the  principles  of  freedom  as  expressed  in  our 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  our  national  constitution 
and  the  purity  and  perpetuity  of  our  government,  require  that 
power  should  be  exerted  to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  territories  heretofore  free. 

Resolved,  That  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  unwise,  unjust  and  injurious;  an  open  and  aggravated 
violation  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the  states,  and  that  the  at- 
tempt of  the  present  administration  to  force  slavery  into  Kansas 
against  the  known  wishes  of  the  legal  voters  of  that  territory, 
is  an  arbitrary  and  tyrannous  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple to  govern  themselves,  and  that  we  will  strive  by  all  consti- 
tutional means,  to  secure  to  Kansas  and  Nebraska  the  legal 
guarantee  against  slavery  of  which  they  were  deprived  at  the 
cost  of  the  violation  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  devoted  to  the  Union,  and  will  to 
the  last  extremity,  defend  it  against  the  efforts  now  being  made 
by  the  disunionists  of  the  administration  to  compass  its  dis- 
solution, and  that  we  will  support  the  constitution  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  in  all  its  provisions ;  regarding"  it  as  the  sacred  bond 
of  our  Union,  and  the  only  safeguard  for  the  preservation  of 
the  rights  of  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  immediate  admis- 
sion of  Kansas  as  a  member  of  this  confederacy,  under  the  con- 
stitution adopted  by  the  people  of  said  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  as  well  as 
the  constitution  of  our  country  guarantee  the  liberty  of 
conscience  as  well  as  political  freedom,  and  that  we  will  pro- 
scribe no  one.  by  legislation  or  otherwise,  on  account  of  re- 
ligious opinions,  or  in  consequence  of  place  of  birth. 

Resolved,  That  in  Lyman  Trumbull,  our  distinguished 
senator,  the  people  of  Illinois  have  an  able  and  consistent  ex- 
ponent of  their  principles,  and  that  his  course  in  the  senate 
meets  with  our  unqualified  approbation. 

Which  report  was  received  and  unanimously  adopted. 


162  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Mr.  Wentworth  submitted  the  following  resolution  which 
was  unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  strictest  economy 
in  the  administration  of  our  state  government  and  a  faithful 
application  of  all  its  revenues  to  the  liquidation  of  our  state 
debt.  And  that  the  practice  of  using  our  state  funds  for  the 
purpose  of  private  speculations,  whereby  a  very  large  defalca- 
tion has  occurred  in  our  state  treasury,  cannot  be  too  severely 
censured;  and  we  therefore  take  issue  with  the  resolution  of 
the  recent  convention  at  Springfield  which  endorsed  the  course 
of  our  present  governor. 

Mr.  Skinner  offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to  act  as 
a  central  committee  for  the  purpose  of  calling  future  conven- 
tions, and  to  fill  vacancies  in  our  nomination  (in  cases  where 
the  nominations  may  become  vacant,  and  it  may  be  too  late  to 
call  a  convention  to  fill  the  same,)  and  do  such  other  business 
as  usually  devolves  upon  central  committees ;  and  also  to  act  as 
a  disbursing  committee  of  such  funds  as  may  come  to  their 
hands.  Whereupon  the  following  committee  was  appointed : 

CENTRAL  COMMITTEE. 

James  C.  Conkling,  Sangamon  county  ;AsahelGridley,  Mc- 
Lean county;  B.  C.  Cook,  LaSalle  county;  Charles  H.  Ray, 
Cook  county;  N.  B.  Judd,  Cook  county. 

Mr.  Wm.  A.  James,  of  Cook,  offered  the  following  reso- 
lution, which  was  adopted. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  recommend  every  town 
in  every  county  in  the  state  to  form  Anti-Nebraska  clubs,  for 
the  purpose  of  effecting  a  thorough  organization  of  the  party 
prior  to  the  ensuing  election. 

George  T.  Brown,  of  Madison,  submitted  the  following 
resolution,  which  was  unanimously  adopted,  amid  deafening 
shouts,  cheers  and  other  manifestations  of  excited  approbation. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  163 

Resolved,  That  STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS,  having  laid  his 
"ruthless  hand"  upon  a  sacred  compact,  which  had  "an  origin 
akin  to  that  of  the  constitution,"  and  which  had  "become 
canonized  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people,"  has  given 
the  lie  to  his  past  history,  proved  himself  recreant  to  the  free 
principles  of  this  government,  violated  the  confidence  of  the 
people  of  Illinois,  and  now  holds  his  seat  in  the  senate  while  he 
misrepresents  them. 

Mr.  Judd  offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was 
adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  convention  are  hereby 
tendered  to  the  citizens  of  Bloomington  for  their  kind  hospi- 
talities, and  also  to  the  committee  of  arrangements  for  the  sat- 
isfactory manner  in  which  they  have  discharged  their  self-im- 
posed duties  towards  this  body. 

On  motion  of  O.  H.  Browning : 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  convention  be 
signed  by  the  officers  and  published  by  all  the  Anti-Nebraska 
papers  in  the  state. 

On  motion  of  H.  N.  Hibbard  : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  convention  be  tendered 
to  the  presiding  officers  for  the  able  and  impartial  manner  in 
which  they  have  discharged  their  duties. 

On  motion  the  committee  adjourned  sine  die. 

John  M.  Palmer,  president. 

Vice-presidents — J.  A.  Davis,  Wm.  Ross,  James  McKie, 
J.  H.  Bryant,  A.  C.  Harding,  Richard  Yates,  H.  C.  Johns,  D. 
L.  Phillips,  George  Smith,  T.  A.  Marshall,  J.  M.  Ruggles,  G. 
D.  A.  Parks,  John  Clark. 

Secretaries — H.  T.  Baker,  C.  L.  Wilson,  John  Tillson, 
W.  Bushnell,  B.  J.  F.  Hanna. 

A  full,  true  and  correct  copy  from  the  files  of  the  ''Jour- 
nal" of  Springfield,  111.,  of  May  30,  1856. 

HENRY  C.  RANNEY, 

Copyist. 


164  Anil- Nebraska  Republican 

The  convention  of  May  29,  ia?6,  although  called  as  a  delegate  conven- 
tion, did  not  strictly  preserve  that  character  but  rather  resolved  itself  into  a 
mass  convention,  as  in  several  instances  parties  acted  as  officers  of  the  convention 
whose  names  do  not  appear  on  the  official  roll  as  delegates  at  all. 

In  several  counties  the  Chicago  Press  and  also  Chicago  Democrat  give  additional 
delegates  to  those  given  in  the  official  list.  We  give  below  the  delegates  in  these 
counties  as  they  appear  in  these  papers: 

Bureau  County— Charles  C.  Kelsey,  George  Radcliffe,  George  W.  Stipp,  jr., 
John  H.  Bryant. 

Lee  County— E.  M.  Ingals,  J.  V.  Eustace,  Dr.  Charles  Gardner,  John  Dixon, 
Dr.  Oliver  Everett,  George  E.  Haskell,  Lorenzo  Wood,  Benjaman  F.  Shaw,  Dr. 
Adams,  Thomas  W.  Eustace,  Andrew  McPherson,  S.  R.  Upham,  Cyrus  Aldrich, 
Joseph  Crawford,  James  L.  Camp,  William  E.  Ives,  Oziss  Wheeler,  Jerome  Porter, 
A.  A.  Benjamin,  S.  G.  Patrick,  S.  ri.  Williams,  I.  S.  Boardman,  David  Welty.  George 
R.  Linn,  Benjamin  Oilman. 

McDonough  County— L.  H.  Walters,  C.  W.  Craig,  J.  E.  Wynne,  S.  P.  Higbe, 
Anthony  Corker. 

Ogle  County— Charles  C.  Royce,  F.  A.  McNiff,  G.  W.  Southwick. 

Richland  County— Edward  Kitchell. 

La  Salle  County— Washington  Bushnell  was  one  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
convention  although  he  does  not  appear  on  the  official  list  of  delegates. 

In  the  official  list  of  Mason  county  J.  M.  Ruggles  does  not  appear  as  a  dele- 
gate but  he  acted  as  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  the  convention  and  we  have 
added  his  name  to  the  list. 

In  McLean  county  the  official  list  gives  the  alternates  as  the  attending  dele- 
gates. We  have  given  the  delegates  and  alternates  as  elected.  The  delegates 
evidently  attended,  as  Gen.  W.  W.  Orme,  one  of  them,  was  one  of  the  officers  of 
the  convention. 

David  McWilliams  of  Livingston  county  also  attended  as  a  delegate  and  we 
have  added  his  name  to  the  official  list. 

Elisha  Harkness  of  Champaign  county  was  also  elected  and  attended  as  a 
delegate  from  that  county  and  we  have  added  his  name  to  the  official  list. 

The  delegates  and  alternates  elected  from  St.  Clair  county  were  as  follows: 
Delegates:  Alternates: 

Philip  H.  Eisenmayer,  H.  G.  Harrison, 

J.  B.  Hoppe,  S.  Anderson, 

Dr.  Charles  Vincenz,  Conrad  Bowman, 

Nathaniel  Niies,  Dr.  F.  A.  Carpenter 

J.  Thomas.  Edward  Abend. 

The  delegates  and  alternates  elected  from  Randolph  county  were: 
Delegates:  Alternates: 

Thomas  McClucken,  B.  J.  F.  Hanna, 

Caspar  Horn,  R.  J.  Hanna, 

We  have  taken  great  pains  to  obtain  a  correct  roll  of  the  delegates  attending 
the  convention  but  in  many  instances  it  has  been  impossible  to  verify  the  list  and 
there  doubtless  still  remains  many  errors  in  it. 

The  electoral  ticket  'nominated  at  this  convention  was  defeated  by  the 
following  vote: 

Buchanan  and  Breckenridge,  democrats 105,348 

Fremont  and  Dayton,  republicans  , 96,189 

Plurality  for  Buchanan  and  Breckenridge 9,159 

Fillmore  and  Donaldson,  American  or  Know-Nothing —  37,444 

Republican  (96,189)  and  American  (37,444)  vote 133,633 

Democratic  vote 105,348 


Majority  of  votes  against  democratic  ticket 27,285 

The  state  ticket  nominated  by  this  convention  was  elected  as  follows: 
Gov.  Bissell,  rep. ...111,375    W.  A.  Richardson,  dem.,  106,643    Bissell's  plur'lty   4,732 

Lieut-Gov.,Wood,r  110,534    Hamilton,  dem 106,297    Wood's  4,237 

Sec.  State,  Hatch,  r  115.538    Snyder,  dem 106,610    Hatch's  8.928 

Auditor,  Dubois,   r  199,234    Casey,  dem 106,230    Dubois'  3,004 

Supt.  S.,   Powell,  r   109,528    St.  Mathews,  dem 106,521    Powell's  3.007 

Treasurer,  Miller,  r  128,430    Moore,  dem 107,448    Miller's  20,982 

Congressional— Rep.,  118,011;  dem.,  110,038;  rep.  plurality.  7,973. 

Average  American  vote  for    governor,   lieutenant-governor,    secretary  of 
state,  auditor  and  superintendent  of  schools,  was  18,530.— Tribune  Almanac,  1857. 

James  Miller,  candidate    for  treasurer,  was  on  both   the   republican  and 
American  tickets. 

E.  M.  PRINCE,  Sec'y. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  165 


NOTE.—  The  Pantograph  of  Bloomington,  Illinois,  of  May  14,  1856.  published  the 
call  for  the  convention  of  May  29  and  beneath  it  published  a  call  signed  by  John 
M.  Scott,  W.  C.  Hobbs,  J.  H.  Wickizer,  L.  Graves,  J.  E.  McClun,  L.  Lawrence, 
James  Vandolah  and  Leonard  Swell  for  a  mass  meeting  of  the  voters  of  McLean 
county,  favorable  to  the  Anti-Nebraska  movement,  to  assemble  in  Bloomington, 
on  Saturday,  the  17th  inst.  to  select  three  delegates  to  the  convention.  At  this 
mass  meeting  Dr.  W.  C.  Hobbs  was  elected  chairman  and  W.  W.  Orme  secretary. 
James  Gilmore,  sr.,  Dr.  Harrison  Noble  and  William  W.  Orme,  delegates  to  the 
State  convention  and  Green  B.  Larrison,  David  Cheney  and  A.  T.  Brfscoe,  alter- 
nates. Resolutions  were  adopted  demanding  that  the  friends  of  the  Union  forget 
old  party  associations  in  opposition  to  the  extension  of  Slavery  over  free  terri- 
tory, declaring  slave  labor  and  free  labor  are  incompatible  with  each  other,  that 
our  constitution  does  not  carry  nor  protect  slavery,  except  in  the  States,  thai  its 
f  ramers  did  not  intend  to  extend  this  institution,  that  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act  was  a  wilful  violation  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the  nation,  an  act  in- 
sulting to  the  Free  States,  and  shamelessly  in  defiance  of  the  public  opinion  of  this 
age  and  of  all  enlightened,  unprejudicial  people,  that  slavery  is  a  creation  of 
municipal  law  and  cannot  exist  one  moment  without  it,  that  outside  State  juris- 
diction the  constitutional  power  of  the  Federal  government  should  be  exerted  to 
secure  life,  liberty  and  the  happiness  of  all  men,  that  there  should  be  neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  except  for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  in  any 
of  the  territories  of  the  United  States.— Pantograph,  May  21,  1856. 

Telegrams. 

The  Ohio  Republican  Convention  was  also  in  session 
May  29.  The  late  Jesse  W.  Fell  and  Judge  Owen  T. 
Reeves,  then  a  young  lawyer  recently  from  Ohio,  prepared  a 
telegram  to  the  Ohio  convention,  submitted  it  to  General 
Palmer  who  signed  it  and  it  was  wired  to  Columbus.  A  re- 
turn telegram  was  received  and  read  amid  great  applause. 
The  Mrs.  Robinson  alluded  to  in  the  Bloomineton  telegram 
was  the  wife  of  the  first  state  governor  of  Kansas.  We  are 
indebted  to  the  Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society 
for  a  copy  of  these  telegrams. — SEC'Y  H  i  STORICAL  SOCIETY. 

BLOOMINGTON,  ILL.,  May  29,  1856. 

To  the  President  of  the  Ohio  Republican  Convention,   Co- 
lumbus. 

The  delegates  of  the  free  men  of  Illinois  in  convention 
assembled  send  greeting  to  the  free  men  of  Ohio.  William 
H.  Bissell  is  nominated  for  governor  with  the  enthusiastic 
acclaim  by  the  most  enthusiastic  delegate  convention  ever 
assembled  in  Illinois.  Governor  Reeder  and  Mrs.  Robinson 
are  here.  They  have  appeared  before  the  public  and  been 
greeted  by  the  wildest  applause.  The  excitement  conse-, 
quent  upon  the  latest  outrages  at  Lawrence,  Kansas,  is 
sweeping  like  wildfire  over  the  land. 

JOHN  M.  PALMER. 


166  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

COLUMBUS,  OHIO,  May  29,  1856. 
To  the  Republican  Convention  of  Illinois,  Bloomington : 

Ohio  and  Illinois  respond.  The  announcement  of  the 
gallant  Bissell's  nomination  was  received  with  tumultuous 
cheers.  The  names  of  Governor  Reeder  and  Mrs.  Robin- 
son were  greeted  with  three  cheers  from  the  thousands  as- 
sembled here.  Judge  Hunt  and  General  Lane,  of  Kansas, 
are  here  and  speak  this  evening.  All  is  enthusiasm. 

OLIVER   P.   BROWN. 

President. 

(The  "Democratic  Press"  of  May  31,  1856,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing, which  should  be  added  to  above)  : 

The  convention  was  then  addressed  at  length  by  Messrs. 
Browning,  Lovejoy,  Lincoln  and  Cook,  and  adjourned  with 
nine  cheers  for  the  ticket  and  as  many  more  for  the  nominees. 


Chicago  Democrat  of  June  7,  1856. 

The   Bloomington   Convention. 

ANTI-NEBRASKA  STATE  CONVENTION. 

A  state  convention  of  the  Anti-Nebraska  party  in  Illinois 
will  be  held  in  the  city  of  Bloomington,  on  Thursday  the  2Qth 
day  of  May,  1856,  for  the  purpose  of  choosing  candidates  for 
state  officers,  appointing  delegates  to  the  national  convention, 
transacting  such  other  business  as  may  properly  come  before 
the  body.  The  committee  have  adopted  as  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation the  ratio  of  one  delegate  to  every  6,000  inhabitants, 
and  an  additional  delegate  for  every  fractional  number  of  2,- 
ooo  and  over;  but  counties  that  contain  less  than  6,000  in- 
habitants are  entitled  to  one  delegate. 

Wm.  B.  Ogden,  S.  M.  Church, 

E.  A.  Dudley,  Thos.J.  Pickett, 

R.  J.  Oglesby,  G.  D.  A.  Parks, 

Ira  O.  Wilkinson,  W.  H.  Herndon, 

Joe  Gillespie.  D.  L.  Phillips, 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


167 


We  never  met  a  more  determined  and  encouraged  body  of 
men  than  at  the  late  Anti-Slavery  Extension  State  Convention. 
It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  a  majority  of  the  delegates  voted 
for  General  Pierce,  as  also  did  a  majority  of  the  nominees. 

One  of  our  candidates  for  elector,  Mr.  Ferry,  was  upon 
the  Pierce  and  King  ticket. 

Imitating  the  example  of  the  slavery  extension  conven- 
tion, the  old  party  lines  did  not  come  up,  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  a 
talented  old  line  Whig,  was  placed  upon  the  ticket  as  an  offset 


RICHARD  J.  OGLESBY 

Born  in  Kentucky  1824,  admitted  to  the 
liar  1845,  served  in  Mexican  War.  three  years 
mining  in  California,  elected  State  Senator 
in  1860,  Colonel  8th.  Illinois  Volunteers  1861, 
promoted  Brigadier  and  afterwards  Major 
General,  elected  Governor  of  Illinois  in  1864 
1872  and  1884. 

U.  S.  Senator  1873  to  1879.  Died  at  Elkhart, 
Illinois,  April  24,  1899. 

By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the  S.  S 
McClure  Co. 


-33)165- 


to  Mr.  Constable,  an  old  political  associate  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  but 
who  now  goes  for  slavery  extension. 

Mr.  Hecker,  of  St.  Clair,  one  of  the  electors  at  large,  is 
one  of  the  most  talented  men  in  the  United  States.  He  was 
a  leader  in  the  last  German  revolution,  and  was  for  many  years 
the  radical  leader  in  the  German  parliament. 

The  southern  delegates  gave  the  lie  to  the  story  so  often 
repeated  by  the  slavery  extensionists,  viz.,  that  all  the  old 
Henry  Clay  Whigs  were  intending  to  vote  the  slavery  exten- 
sion ticket.  The  Henry  Clay  Whigs  are  divided  at  the  south 
exactly  as  they  are  every  where  else.  Those  who  have  an  in- 
terest in  slavery,  remote  or  direct,  favor  making  Kansas  a  slave 
state,  and  will  vote  for  Richardson.  The  others  will  vote  for 
Bissell. 


168  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Several  young  men  in  southern  Illinois  have  been  to  Kan- 
sas. Some  have  been  massacred,  and  some  have  come  home 
to  tell  the  story  of  their  wrongs.  The  people  there  have  been 
much  aroused  by  recent  events,  and  will  give  a  good  account 
of  themselves  in  November. 

Colonel  Bissell  is  favorably  known  all  through  southern 
Illinois,  and  his  friends  are  confident  that  he  will  get  a  very 
large  vote  there. 

(From  "Democratic  Press"  of  May  30,  1856.)  Editorial 
correspondence. 

THE  ANTI-NEBRASKA  CONVENTION. 

PIKE  HOUSE,  BLOOMINGTON, 

May  29,  9  a.m. 

The  train  arrived  here  an  hour  ago.  We  found  the  city 
full  of  people.  The  verandahs,  halls  and  doorways  of  the 
Pike  House  are  crowded  with  a  dense  mass  of  delegates.  Men 
are  here  from  all  parts  of  the  state.  Egypt  is  in  council  with 
us.  It  is  a  spontaneous  outpouring  of  the  people. 

(jovernor  Reeder  came  down  with  us  from  Chicago.  His 
arrival  has  added  to  the  enthusiasm.  He  will  address  the  peo- 
ple some  time  today. 

While  I  am  writing  speakers  are  addressing  the  people 
from  the  portico  of  the  Pike  House.  The  feeling  is  intense, 
and  in  every  bosom  beats  the  stern  resolve  to  relieve  our  noble 
state  from  the  stigma  under  which  it  now  rests.  Illinois 
furnished  the  "ruthless  hand"  which  broke  down  the  barrier 
erected  by  our  patriot  fathers  against  the  spread  of  slavery. 
Her  people  must  repudiate  the  act.  They  will  do  it.  Mark 
that. 

Last  evening,  I  am  informed,  speaking  was  kept  up  in 
front  of  the  hotel  until  a  late  hour.  The  venerable  Colonel 
Dixon,  of  Lee  county,  led  off  in  a  speech  that  produced  a  pow- 
erful impression.  He  was  followed  by  Messrs.  Lincoln, 
Palmer,  Washburn,  Doctor  Schroeder,  and  others. 

The  feeling  is  strong  for  Bissell  and  Hoffman.  Present 
indications  are  that  these  gentlemen  will  be  nominated  by  ac- 
clamation. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


169 


FREDERICK  HECKEB 

Born  September  28,  1811,  Baden,  Germany;  died  1881.  General  Revolutionary 
Army,  Germany  1848;  Colonel  24th  Illinois  Volunteers,  War  of  Kebellion.  Nomi- 
nated Elector  at  large  convention  May  29,  1856. 


170  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

* 

12,  m. — The  convention  was  called  to  order  at  10  o'clock, 
and  organized  temporarily  by  the  appointment  of  Archibald 
Williams,  chairman,  H.  S.  Baker  and  George  F.  Brown,  sec- 
retaries. 

A  committee  of  nine  was  appointed  to  nominate  perma- 
nent officers  of  the  convention.  While  the  committee  were  out 
a  stirring  address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Emory,  of  Kansas. 
Mr.  Emory  went  to  Kansas  a  Pierce  man,  but  when  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Pierce  Democracy  made  the  admission  of  slavery  a 
test  of  party  fealty  he  left  the  party.  Mr.  Emory  detailed  the 
past  difficulties  and  present  perils  of  the  Free  State  party  in 
Kansas  in  a  most  graphic  manner,  eliciting  feeling  responses 
from  the  audience. 

In  taking  the  chair  the  president  delivered  a  neat  and 
appropriate  address,  thanking  the  convention  for  the  honor 
conferred,  and  expressing  his  readiness  to  co-operate  with  all 
good  men  in  meeting  the  issues  that  have  been  forced  upon  the 
free  north. 

Mr.  Munsell,  of  Edgar  county,  moved  the  nomination  of 
Colonel  Bissell,  for  governor,  by  acclamation,  which  was  re- 
ceived with  tremendous  cheering.  George  T.  Brown,  Esq., 
of  Alton,  asked  permission  to  lay  before  the  convention  the 
following  letter  from  Colonel  Bissell,  before  acting  upon  Mr. 
Munsell's  motion. 

(For  letter  see   "official"  report.} 

The  reading  of  this  letter  was  received  with  the  unbound- 
ed enthusiasm,  and  when  the  motion  was  put,  the  entire  con- 
vention rose  to  their  feet,  and  ratified  the  nomination  by  cheer 
after  cheer. 

When  silence  was  again  restored,  Judge  Xiles,  of  St.  Clair, 
moved  the  nomination  of  Francis  A.  Hoffman,  of  DuPage 
county  for  lieutenant-governor,  which  motion  was  carried 
unanimously  by  acclamation,  amidst  enthusiastic  cheering. 

A  motion  to  adjourn  was  voted  down,  and  Hon.  Richard 
Yates  responded  to  a  call  of  the  audience  in  a  stirring  speech, 
after  which  the  convention  adjourned  till  2  p.m. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


171 


172  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

Committees  were  appointed  on  resolutions  and  nomina- 
tions, which  will  report  at  the  afternoon  session.  About  one 
thousand  people  were  present  at  the  sitting  of  the  convention. 

This  evening  Governor  Reeder  will  address  the  people 
in  the  court  house  square.  Greater  enthusiasm  I  have  never 
witnessed,  and  the  most  cheering  accounts  are  brought  in  by 
the  delegates  from  the  different  portions  of  the  state.  Illinois 
must  be  true  to  herself.  The  ticket  put  in  nomination  here  to- 
day must  be  elected. 

From  the 'Democratic  Press/'  May  31,  1856.  Editorial 
correspondence. 

THE    BLOOMINGTON    CONVENTION. 

BLOOMINGTON,  May  29,  1 1  p.m. 

The  afternoon  session  of  the  convention  was  full  of  in- 
terest. The  reports  of  committees  on  nominations  for  re- 
mainder of  state  ticket,  electors,  delegates,  etc.,  were  promptly 
made  and  cordially  accepted. 

The  commmitte  on  resolutions  reported  about  4  o'clock. 
Each  resolution  was  received  with  applause.  They  appeared  to 
meet  the  expectation  and  fill  the  desires  of  every  delegate.  A 
single  amendment  was  offered  to  the  second  resolution,  but  it 
was  withdrawn  after  a  brief  discussion,  and  the  resolutions 
were  adopted  without  a  dissenting  voice. 

Then  commenced  the  speaking.  O.  H.  Browning,  of 
Quincy,  was  first  called  to  the  stand.  His  remarks  were  ad- 
dressed mainly  to  the  old  Clay- Whigs.  He  read  extracts  from 
the  speeches  of  Henry  Clay  from  his  first  entrance  upon  public 
life  down  to  the  close  of  his  career,  all  of  which  proved  him 
to  have  been  steadfastly  and  uniformly  opposed  to  the  spread 
of  slavery  into  free  territory,  and  that  had  he  still  been  upon  the 
stage  of  action  when  his  great  measures  of  pacification — the 
Missouri  Compromise — was  ruthlessly  violated,  his  voice  and 
vote  would  have  been  the  same  in  1854,  that  they  were  in  1820. 
Mr.  Browning's  vindication  of  the  character  of  Henry  Clay 
from  the  imputations  cast  upon  it  by  the  slavery  extensionists 
of  the  present  day,  who  profess  to  find  in  his  political  life  evi- 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


173 


ORVILLE  H.  BROWNING 

Born  in  Kentucky  1810,died  at  Quincy,Illinois,August  10,1881:admitted  to  the  bar 
and  removed  to  Quincy,  Illinois  1831;  serred  in  Black  Hawk  War,  State  Senator 
1836  to  1840  and  House  1840  to  1843.  Delegate  to  Republican  National  Convention 
1860.  U.  S.  Senator  1861  to  1863.  Secretary  Interior  1866  to  1869. 

By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the  Century  Co. 


174  Anti-Nebraska  Republican 

dence  that,  if  living,  he  would  now  be  ranged  side  by  side  with 
them,  was  conclusive  and  triumphant.  There  were  numbers 
of  the  admirers  and  political  adherents  of  the  great  Kentucky 
statesman  present,  some  of  them  southerners  like  himself,  oth- 
ers of  northern  origin,  and  not  one  of  them  but  felt  that  the 
truth  of  history  had  been  successfully  vindicated,  and  the  char- 
acter of  their  former  chief  placed  beyond  the  aspersions  of 
those  who  are  seeking  to  sanctify  with  his  name  a  great  crime 
from  which  he  should  have  shrunk  as  from  dishonor. 

Mr.  Browning  was  followed  by  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  Prince- 
ton, in  an  eloquent  and  telling  speech  of  half  an  hour.  Mr. 
Lovejoy  stated  that  he  had  never  proposed  and  never  would 
propose  any  political  action  by  congress  with  respect  to  slavery 
in  the  states  where  it  now  exists. — He  opposed  its  extension — 
that  wras  all.  He  referred  to  the  fact  that  his  political  oppon- 
ents had  always  misrepresented  him  on  this  subject.  Individ- 
ually he  did  not  care  for  that,  but  he  was  determined  that  the 
cause  with  which  he  was  identified  should  not  be  injured 
through  these  misrepresentations.  Many  who  heard  Mr. 
Lovejoy  for  the  first  time  were  agreeably  disappointed  by  his 
declaration  of  sentiments  on  the  political  aspect  of  the  slavery 
question,  and  his  eloquent  appeal  in  favor  of  the  cause  in 
which  they  were  embarked,  as  defined  in  the  resolutions  just 
adopted  by  the  convention,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten  by  them. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Springfield,  was  next  called  out, 
and  made  the  speech  of  the  occasion.  Never  has  it 
been  our  fortune  to  listen  to  a  more  eloquent  and  mas- 
terly presentation  of  a  subject.  I  shall  not  mar  any 
of  its  fine  proportions  or  brilliant  passages  by  attempt- 
ing even  a  synopsis  of  it .  Mr.  Lincoln  must  write  it  out 
and  let  it  go  before  all  the  people.  For  an  hour  and  a  half  he 
held  the  assemblage  spell  bound  by  the  power  of  his  argument, 
the  intense  irony  of  his  invective,  and  the  deep  earnestness  and 
fervid  brilliancy  of  his  eloquence.  When  he  concluded,  the 
audience  sprang  to  their  feet  and  cheer  after  cheer  told  how 
deeply  their  hearts  had  been  touched,  and  their  souls  warmed 
up  to  a  generous  enthusiasm. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856. 


175 


It  was  now  7  o'clock,  and  the  large  hall  was  still  densely 
packed  and  the  people  refused  to  go.  Burton  C.  Cook,  of  Ot- 
tawa, was  called  to  the  stand.  His  speech  was  pointed  and 
effective.  He  alluded  to  the  fact  that  not  only  the  admirers 
of  the  Sage  of  Ashland  were  called  upon  to  repel  attempts  to 
link  the  name  of  their  departed  chieftain  with  the  great  Amer- 
ican crime  of  extending  slavery  into  free  territory.  His  own 
political  idol  had  also  been  invoked  in  aid  of  the  same  base 
purpose.  The  Sage  of  Monticello,  the  author  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  and  of  the  ordinances  of  1787 — the  im- 


OWEN  LOVEJOY 

Born  at  Albion,  Maine,  January  6, 
1811;  died  March  25,  1864;  moved  to  Al- 
ton, Illinois,  and  was  present  when  his 
brother  Elijah  was  murdered;  in  1838 
he  became  minister  of  the  Congrega- 
tional church  at  Princeton,  111. ,  but  de- 
voted most  of  his  time  to  anti-slayery 
meetings;  1854  elected  to  the  Legisla- 
ture, 1856  to  his  death  a  member  of 
congress.  A  peerless,  fearless  anti- 
slavery  agitator. 

By  permission  and  courtesy  of  the 
Century  Co. 


mortal  Jefferson — his  name,  too,  had  been  desecrated  by  the 
conspirators.  But  these  attempts  to  falsifv  history,  and  to 
couple  a  heinous  crime  with  our  illustrious  dead,  would  yet 
react  upon  those  who,  by  such  means,  endeavor  to  shield  them- 
selves from  the  indignation  of  an  outraged  people.  Mr.  Cook 
in  a  very  humorous  way,  illustrated  the  vacillating  course  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Illinois,  and  concluded  with 
a  glowing  tribute  to  Colonel  Bissell,  and  an  appeal  to  those  who 
had  enlisted  under  so  gallant  a  leader  to  see  to  it  that  his  ban- 
ner is  not  permitted  now  for  the  first  time  to  be  trailed  in  the 
dust. 


176  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

Then  the  convention  adjourned  sine  die,  with  nine  cheers 
for  the  ticket,  and  as  many  more  for  the  cause. 

After  supper  from  six  to  eight  thousand  persons  assem- 
bled in  the  court  house  square  to  hear  Governor  Reeder.  I  re- 
gret my  inability  to  report  his  speech.  It  occupied  more  than 
three  hours  in  the  delivery,  and  was  listended  to  with  the  most 
intense  interest  by  that  vast  multitude.  Governor  Reeder  re- 
counted in  a  plain,  unvarnished  manner,  the  series  of  outrages 
to  which  the  settlers  in  Kansas  had  been  exposed,,  and  made 
evident  the  complicity  of  the  federal  government  in  those  out- 
rages. He  showed  how  Kansas  had  been  subjugated  by  the 
slave  power  of  this  country,  partly  through  the  connivance, 
and  partly  through  the  direct  agency  of  the  general  govern- 
ment. The  points  made  were  clear  and  unanswerable.  That 
speech  if  delivered  throughout  the  nation,  would  leave  it  with 
but  a  single  party,  and  a  single  purpose  in  it,  so  far  as  the 
masses  are  concerned.  It  showed  the  existence  of  a  despotism 
with  which  there  is  nothing  in  the  old  world  that  will  bear  the 
slightest  comparison, — a  disregard  of  life  and  of  property,  and 
of  all  the  rights  of  individuals,  the  like  of  which,  even  in  the 
feeblest  governments  of  the  world,  can  nowhere  else  be  found. 
— Occasionally,  when  describing  the  results  of  what  now  pre- 
dominates on  our  frontier,  or  when  contrasting  the  differences 
between  what  Kansas  and  the  whole  national  domain  east  of 
the  Pacific  would  be  if  consecrated  to  freedom,  and  what  it 
must  become  should  the  great  conspiracy  to  make  a  slave  state 
of  Kansas,  prove  successful.  Governor  Reeder's  eloquence 
assumed  a  high  character,  but  he  avoided  everything  like  dec- 
lamation throughout  his  speech.  There  was  deep  feeling 
and  strong  passion  aroused,  and  an  irrepressible  sympathy  for 
our  fellow-citizens  in  Kansas  who  were  the  victims  of  the 
wrongs  and  outrages  recounted,  but  they  were  feelings  and  pas- 
sions and  sympathies  awakened  by  the  simple  statement  of 
facts  as  they  had  occurred  within  the  knowledge  and  under  the 
immediate  observation  of  the  speaker. 

But  I  can  say  no  more  now.  The  up  train  by  which  I 
design  sending  this  will  pass  in  a  few  moments,  and  I  must 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  177 

close  it  up.  I  am  satisfied,  let  me  say  however,  before  closing, 
that  this  day's  deliberation  have  made  an  impress  upon  the 
public  mind  and  heart  that  will  not  fade  out  during  the  present 
generation.  The  fire  kindled  here  will  spread  throughout  the 
state,  and  when  the  ides  of  November  shall  have  passed  away, 
Illinois  will  have  entered  a  most  emphatic  protest  against  her 
recreant  senator,  and  against  her  other  representatives  whose 
action  has  been  instrumental  in  bringing  the  present  perils  upon 
the  country. 

Nicolay  &  Hay's  History  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Vol.,  2, 
p.  27. 

"There  were  stirring  speeches  by  eloquent  leaders,  eagerly 
listened  to,  and  vociferously  applauded;  but  scarcely  a  man 
moved  from  his  seat  in  the  convention  hall  until  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  been  heard.  Every  one  felt  the  fitness  of  his  making  the 
closing  argument  and  exhortation,  and  right  nobly  did  he 
honor  their  demand.  A  silence  full  of  emotion  filled  the  as- 
sembly, as  for  a  moment  before  beginning,  his  tall  form  stood 
in  commanding  attitude  on  the  rostrum,  the  impressiveness  of 
his  theme  and  the  significance  of  the  occasion  reflected  in  his 
thoughtful  and  earnest  features.  The  spell  of  the  hour  was 
visibly  upon  him,  and  holding  his  audience  in  rapt  attention, 
he  closed  in  a  brilliant  peroration  with  an  appeal  to  the  people 
to  join  the  Republican  standard,  to 

Come  as  the  winds  come,  when  forests  are  rended; 
Come  as  the  waves  come,  when  navies  are  stranded. 

The  influence  was  irresistible;  the  audience  rose  and  ac- 
knowledged the  speaker's  power  with  cheer  upon  cheer.  Un- 
fortunately the  speech  was  never  reported;  but  its  effect  lives 
vividly  in  the  memory  of  all  who  heard  it,  and  it  crowned  his 
right  to  popular  leadership  in  his  own  state  which  thereafter 
was  never  disputed." 

Letter  of  John  H.  Bryant,  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of 
the  convention,  to  the  Evening  Post  of  New  York  City,  of 


178  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 

which   his   brother,   the   poet,    William    Cullen   Bryant,    was 
editor. 

PRINCETON,  ILL.,  June  5,  1856. 

You  have  some  days  since  heard  of  our  glorious  conven- 
tion at  Bloomington  on  the  2Qth  ult.  It  was  indeed  a  glorious 
meeting.  All  parts  of  the  state  were  represented,  and  all 
seem  of  one  heart  and  one  mind.  There  was  no  intriguing,  no 
log-rolling,  to  secure  votes  for  this  or  that  candidate.  The 
question,  and  the  only  question,  seemed  to  be,  who  will  best 
represent  our  principles,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  the  votes 
of  the  people. 

Happily  on  this  point  there  was  but  one  opinion,  and  the 
entire  ticket  was  nominated  and  all  the  business  of  the  con- 
vention executed  without  a  difference  of  opinion  worth  naming. 
The  convention  was  the  largest,  and  contained  more  strong, 
earnest,  truth-loving  men,  than  were  ever  assembled  at  once  be- 
fore in  our  state.  Old  Democrats,  old  Whigs,  and  old  Liberty 
men.,  who  had  never  acted  otherwise  than  with  their  respective 
parties  before,  here  acted  shoulder  to  shoulder,  united  by  a  feel- 
ing of  common  sympathy  in  devising  means  to  save  our  heritage 
of  liberty  from  destruction,  and  to  drive  back  the  all-grasping 
power  of  slavery,  to  its  acknowledged  bounds.  I  doubt  if  such 
unity  and  enthusiasm,  in  so  large  a  body  \vho  have  never  be- 
fore acted  together,  was  ever  before  witnessed.  No  well-in- 
formed man  has  now  any  doubt  as  to  the  position  Illinois  will 
occupy  in  November  next.  The  ticket  placed  before  the  peo- 
ple by  the  convention  at  Bloomington,  with  Bissell  at  its  head, 
will  sweep  the  state  by  at  least  20,000  majority.  I  know  that 
you  eastern  people  have  always  put  us  down  as  a  Nebraska 
state,  or,  at  best,  doubtful.  Illinois  will  cast  her  votes  for  the 
candidates  nominated  at  Philadelphia,  and  no  mistake.  Just 
look  at  it.  In  1852,  General  Pierce  with  a  smooth  sea  and  the 
wind  fair  in  his  sail,  only  carried  the  state  over  Scott  and  Hale 
by  6,000  votes.  In  1854  after  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska 
bill,  his  party  was  beaten  on  congressional  candidates  by  more 
that  15,000.  Now  after  two  years  of  misrule — after  the  burn- 
ings and  butcheries  of  Kansas  have  roused  up  the  people  to  a 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  179 

feeling  of  deeper  indignation  than  was  ever  before  known  in 
this  country,  with  the  most  popular  state  ticket  ever  placed  be- 
fore them,  is  it  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  we  can  carry  the 
state  against  Douglas  and  his  followers?  Besides  all  the 
changes  among  our  old  settlers  in  our  favor,  and  they  may  be 
counted  by  thousands,  even  within  the  last  three  months,  we 
have  gained  other  thousands  by  emigration,  for  the  emigration 
of  the  last  two  years  has  been  largely  in  our  favor. 

Let  our  eastern  friends  then  no  longer  despond  or  despair 
in  regard  to  Illinois.  She  is  safe  for  freedom  and  the  con- 
stitution— for  republicanism  and  right.  If  you,  of  the  Atlan- 
tic states,  can  give  us  Pennsylvania,  it  is  all  we  ask  of  you. 
Give  us  Pennsylvania  and  we  are  safe.  I  hear  of  meetings, 
large  and  enthusiastic,  in  all  parts  of  the  state,  held  to  ratify 
our  state  ticket,  and  give  aid  to  the  free  state  settlers  of  Kan- 
sas. At  these  meetings  many  of  the  old  Democrats  renounce 
their  allegiance  to  their  party,  and  declare  in  favor  of  ours. 
If  these  things  continue,  we  shall  hardly  have  more  than  one 
party  by  November.  We  are  raising  large  amounts  of  money, 
horses,  cattle,  wagons,  and  other  articles,  to  send  to  Kansas  to 
sustain  and  encourage  the  free  state  settlers  there.  Almost  every 
county  in  northern  Illinois  has  had,  or  will  have  its  meetings 
for  this  purpose,  and  the  spirit  and  liberality  manifested,  shows 
how  deeply  the  people  are  excited  and  aroused.  Many  people 
are  going  to  Kansas  from  this  vicinity  to  try  their  fortunes  as 
settlers.  They  will  go  in  companies  across  Iowa,  prepared  to 
defend  themselves.  There  is  no  disposition  here  to  give  the 
matter  up,  as  long  as  there  is  any  hope  of  making  a  free  state 
there.  Still,  the  feeling  is  that  the  result  of  the  presidential 
election  will  decide  the  fate  of  our  western  territories,  in  regard 
to  freedom  and  slavery.  If  we  cannot  beat  the  slave  power 
at  the  polls,  we  certainly  cannot  defeat  their  designs  in  Kansas, 
when  they  have  the  immense  power  of  the  general  government 
in  their  hands.  J.  H.  B. 


180  Anti- Nebraska  Republican 


"The  Lost  Speech." 

At  the  convention  of  1856,  enthused  by  the  sympathy  of 
the  audience  and  feeling-  perhaps  a  prophetic  insight  into  the 
future.  Mr.  Lincoln  made  one  of  his  great  speeches,  great 
even  for  him  in  which  he  showed  the  sinfulness  of  slavery  and 
the  need  of  a  new  party  to  curb  the  aggressions  of  the  slave 
power,  and  so  preserve  the  Union  from  impending  destruction. 

His  audience  spell-bound  by  his  eloquence  and  earnestness 
listened  only  to  applaud.  The  reporters,  affected  the  same  as 
the  other  hearers,  made  no  notes  of  the  speech.  This  has  been 
called  the  "Lost  Speech"  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Since  then  portions 
of  this  speech  have  lingered  in  men's  minds  like  some  half 
forgotten  music  which  one  thinks  he  can  recall,  but  regretfully 
finds  it  an  elusive  dream.  Lately  there  has  been  published  a 
"Lost  Speech"  made  up  from  alleged  notes. 

The  McLean  County  Historical  Society  does  not  think 
it  proper  to  send  out  a  report  of  this  re-union  without  stating 
that  in  this  community,  where  many  now  living  heard  the  great 
speech  and  where  Mr.  Lincoln  was  so  well  known  and  loved, 
all  of  his  friends  consider  the  speech  still  lost. 

The  Historical  Society  had  hoped  to  recover  from  the 
memory  of  the  still  living  hearers  some  portions  of  that  speech 
but  found  their  efforts  in  vain. 


Convention,  May  29,  1856.  181 


INDEX. 


PAGE. 

Bulletin  Account  of  Meeting,  May  29,  1900 9 

Pantagrapfi  Account  of  Meeting,  May  29,  1900          .        .        .        .10 

Social  Reunion,  May  29,  1900 12 

Schneider,  George 12,  90 

Palmer,  John  M 13 

Introductory  Note,  E.  M.  Prince 14 

Missouri  Compromise.  E.  M.  Prince 14 

Compromise  of  1850,  E.  M.  Prince 14 

Missouri  Compromise,  Repeal  of,  E.  M.  Prince         ....  15 

Republican  Convention,  1854,  E.  M.  Prince 16 

Eighth  Judicial  Circuit,  Illinois,  E.  Jf.  Prince         .        .        .        .16 

Fell,  Jesse  W.,  E.  M.  Prince 21 

Swett,  Leonard.  E.  M.  Prince 22 

Davis,  David,  E.  M.  Prince 23 

Program  of  Meeting 24 

Introductory  Address,  by  President  Davis 25 

Call  for  Convention 25 

Roll  of  Convention,  Calling 25 

Welcome,  Address  of,  J.  W.  Fifer 26 

Fifer,  Joseph  W.,  Address  of  Welcome, 26 

Convention  of  May  29,  1856,  Importance,  J.  W.  Fifer      ...  28 

Selby,  Paul,  Editorial  Convention  February  29,  1856       ...  30 

Selby,  Paul,  Republican  State  Convention  of  1854          ...  43 

Editorial  Convention,  February  22,  1856,  Paul  Selby        ...  30 

Missouri  Compromise,  Paul  Selby        .......  31 

Jacksonville  Anti-Slavery  Men,  Paul  Selby 33 

Newspapers  Participating  in 36 

Lincoln  at  Editorial  Convention.  Paul  Selby 37 

Ray,  Charles  H.,  Paul  Selby 37 

Schneider,  George,  Paul  Selby 38 

Platform  Editorial  Convention,  Paul  Selby 37 

Pittsburg  Convention,  February  21,  1856            .....  41 

Republican  State  Convention,  1854,  Paul  Selby        ....  43 
Vocke,  William,  the  Germans  and  German  Press    .        .        .        .49 

Germans,  The,  and  German  Press,  William  Vocke    ....  49 

Slavery,  William  Vocke 49 

Republican  Party,  Origin  of,  William  Vocke 50 

Germans,  Drifted  to  Democratic  Party,  William  Vocke           .        .  51 

Germans,  Attitude  Towards  Slavery,  William  Vocke        ...  51 

Germans,  Slaveholders  hatred  of,  William  Vocke     ....  52 


182  Index. 

PAGE. 

Schneider,  George,  and  Mass  Meeting,  William  Vocke     .        .        53,  56 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  burnt  in  effigy,  William  Vocke         ...  53 

German  Press  Opposed  to  Slavery,  William  Vocke    ....  54 

Germans,  The,  Charles  Sumner      ........  55 

Germans,  The,  Loyalty  to  Union,  William  Vocke      ....  55 

Palmer,  John  M 113,  114,  170 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Report  on  Repeal  Missouri  Compromise     .  117 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Repeal  Mo.  Comp.,  John  M.  Palmer     .        .  118 

Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  Position  of,  John  M.  Palmer         .        .  119 

Missouri  Compromise,  John  M.  Palmer        ......  120 

Abolitionism,  John  M.  Palmer •  120 

Douglas  and  Palmer,  Interview,  John  M.  Palmer     ....  121 

Trumbull  Elected  Senator            .                122 

Davis,  Fell  and  Swett,  John  M.  Palmer 124 

Morrison,  Isaac  L. 102 

The  Whigs  and  Whig  Leaders  of  Illinois,  Isaac  L.  Morrison          .  102 

Texas,  Annexation  of,  Isaac  L.  Morrison 104 

Clay,  Henry,  Isaac  L.  Morrison 104 

Webster,  Daniel,  Isaac  L.  Morrison 104 

Illinois  Legislature,  Instructions  1849,  Isaac  L.  Morrison        .        .  105 

California,  Admission  of,  Isaac  L.  Morrison 106 

Compromise  of  1850,  Isaac  L.  Morrison 106 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  Isaac  L,  Morrison 106 

Compromise  of  1850,  Wisdom  of,  Isaac  L.  Morrison  ....  106 

Whig  National  Convention,  1852,  Isaac  L.  Morrison  .        .        .        .  106 

Missouri  Compromise,  Repeal  of,  Isaac  L.  Morrison         .        .        .  107 

Anti-Nebraska  Party,  Isaac  L.  Morrison             107 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  Elected  Senator,  Isaac  L.  Morrison  .        .        .  108 

Whig  Leaders  Who  Joined  Republican  Party,  Isaac  L.  Morrison  .  108 

Whig  Leaders  Who  Joined  Democratic  Party,  Isaac  L.  Morrison  .  109 

Republican  Party,  Its  Achievements,  Isaac  L.  Morrison        .        .  112 

Lincoln,  Isaac  L.  Morrison             112 

Shaw,  Benjamin  F 26,  59 

Owen  Lovejoy,  Abolitionists  and  Republican  Party,  B.  F.  Shaw  .  59 

Republican  Party,  Achievements  of,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw        .        .  59 

Abolitionists,  Prejudice  Against,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw      ...  60 

Constitutional  Abolitionists 62 

Church,  The,  and  Abolitionism,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw         ...  60 

Funk,  Isaac,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw 66 

Missouri  Compromise,  Repeal  of,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw       ...  66 

Kansas,  Attempt  to  Force  Slavery  on,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw     .        .  66 

Lincoln  at  Editorial  Convention,  Story  of,  Benjamin  F.  Shavi       .  68 

Lincoln,  Southerner  Interview  with,    Benjamin  F.  Shaw        .        .  69 

Lovejoy,  Constitution  to  Protect  Liberty,  Benjamin  F.  Shaw        .  71 

Lovejoy,  Address  at  Freeport.  Benjamin  F.  Shaw     ....  72 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Benjamin  F.  Shaiv 72 

Official  Record  of  Convention,  May  29,  1856 148 

Delegates  to  Convention  of  May  29,  1856 149 


Index.  183 

PAGE. 

Bissell,  W.  H., Letter  to  Convention  of  May  29,  1856        .        .        .154 

Bissell,  W.  H.,  Nominated  for  Governor 155 

Hoffman,  Francis  A.,  Nominated  for  Lieutenant-Governor   .        .  155 

Officers  State,  Others  Nominated 156 

Miller,  James,  Letter  Repudiating-  American  Party      .        .        .  158 

Electors  Nominated 158 

Delegates  to  Philadelphia  Convention  Elected        ....  159 

Resolutions  of  Convention,  May  29,  1856 160 

Committee.  Central 165 

Telegram  to  Ohio  Republican  Convention 166 

Telegram,  Ohio  Republican  Convention  to  Illinois  Rep.  Con.        .  165 
McLean   County  Convention,  Appointing  Delegates  to  Conven- 
tion May  29,  1856 166 

Contemporaneous  Accounts  of  Convention        .....  166 

Democrat,  Chicago,  Account  of  Convention 166 

Hecker,  Frederick,  Democrat 167 

Whigs,  Henry  Clay,  Democrat 167 

Democratic  Press 168 

Reeder,  Governor,  Press 168 

Pike  House.  Mass  Meeting  at,  Press 168 

Editorial  Correspondence  of  Press 172 

Browning,  O.  H.,  Address,  Press 172 

Lincoln,  "Lost  Speech,"  Press 174 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  Address,  Press    ........  174 

Reeder,  Governor,  Address,  Press 176 

Nicolay  &  Hay  on  Convention 177 

Cook,  B.  C.,  Address 175 

Bryant,  John  H.,  Letter  to  New  York  Evening  Post        .        .        .  178 

"Lost  Speech,  The," 174,180 

James  M.  Ruggles,  Address 74 

Governor  Matteson  Defaulter,  Ruggles 74 

Republican  Party,  Ruggles 76 

Henderson,  Gen.  Thomas  J. 78 

Campaign  of  1856,  Henderson 78 

Convention  of  1856,  Importance  of,  Henderson          ....  80 

Palmer,  John  M.,  Henderson 80 

"Lost  Speech"  of  Lincoln,  Henderson 81 

Douglas  and  Lincoln  Debates,  1858,  Henderson          ....  82 

Lincoln,  a  Great  Leader  Then,  Henderson 83 

Whig  Convention  at  Springfield,  1840,  .Henderson    ....  84 

Nicolay,  John  G., 95 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  Nicolay 95 

Campaign  of  1856,  Nicolay 96 

The  People  and  the  Supreme  Court,  Nicolay 99 

Lincoln  Defines  the  Pending  Issue,  Nicolay 100 

Slavery,  Nicolay 100 

Cunningham,  J.  O. 91 

Going  to  the  Convention,  J.  O.  Cunningham 92 


184  Index. 

PAGE. 

The  "Lost  Speech,"  J.  O.  Cunningham 93 

Emery,  James  S.,  Letter  of 93,170 

Lincoln,  Effect  of  His  Address,  James  S.  Emery        ...       94,  170 
Schneider,  George          ..........      87 

Know-Nothings  and  Germans,  George  Schneider  87 

Slavery,  Attempted  Nationalization  of,  George  Schneider       .        .      87 
Revolution,  German  of  1848-9,  George  Schneider        .        .        .        .88 

Decatur  Convention,  George  Schneider 88 

Platform  of  Convention,  George  Schneider 89 

Know-Nothing,  Anti,  Resolution,  George  Schneider  .  .        .90 

Lincoln  and  Know-Nothing  Resolution,  George  Schneider        .        .      90 

Lincoln  as  Prophet,  George  Schneider 91 

Lincoln  Gave  the  Philosophy  of  the  Campaign,  Geoi'ge  Schneider  .      91 

Bissell,  William  H.,  Frank  M.  Elliott 93,124 

Bissell,  Early  Struggles,  Frank  M.  Elliott 124 

Bissell  and  Mexican  War,  Frank  M.  Elliott 126 

Bissell,  Representative  in  Congress,  Frank  M.  Elliott      .        .        .     128 

Bissell,  Appearance,  Frank  M.  Elliott 130 

Bissell,  On  Slavery,  Frank  M.  Elliott 131 

Bissell  and  Seddon  of  Virginia 131 

Bissell,  Reply  to  Seddon 132 

Illinois'  Attachment  to  the  Union,  Bissell 134 

Davis,  Jefferson,  Challenge  to  Bissell,  Elliott 135 

President  Taylor  Averts  Duel,  Elliott 136 

Lincoln  urged  Bissell  for  Governor,  Elliott 138 

Bissell,  Paralysis  of,  Elliott          . 139 

Bissell,  Address  at  Belleville  in  1856,  Elliott 139 

Bissell,  Message  to  the  Legislature,  Elliott 142 

Bissell,  Last  Sickness  and  Death,  Elliott 146 

Bissell,  Monument  to,  Elliott 147 

Miller,  James 157 

Funk,  Isaac 26,  56 

Hecker,  Frederick 56,  167,  169 

Yates,  Richard .170 

Browning,  O.  H •        ,     172,  173 

Davis,  David  23 

Swett,  Leonard 22 

Fell,  Jesse  W 22 

Lovejoy,  Owen 174 

Election  of  1856,  Vote  of  Illinois 164 

Hoffman,  Francis  A 56 

Oglesby,  Richard  J • 167 


